Otto von Bismarck is an iron chancellor with a human face. Otto Bismarck: brief biography, activities, quotes. Interesting facts about Otto von Bismarck Domestic and foreign policy of Otto von Bismarck

Buried: Bismarck Mausoleum Spouse: Johanna von Puttkamer Awards:

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen(German) Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen ; April 1, 1815 - July 30, 1898) - prince, politician, statesman, first Chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor". He had the honorary rank (peacetime) of Prussian Colonel General with the rank of Field Marshal (March 20, 1890).

Biography

Origin

Meanwhile, a powerful opposition coalition was being formed in the Reichstag, the core of which was the newly created centrist Catholic Party, united with parties representing national minorities. To counter the clericalism of the Catholic Center, Bismarck moved towards rapprochement with the National Liberals, who had the largest share in the Reichstag. Started Kulturkampf- Bismarck's struggle with the political claims of the papacy and Catholic parties. This struggle had a negative impact on German unity, but it became a matter of principle for Bismarck.

Bismarck, 1873

Fearing French revenge in the future, Bismarck sought rapprochement with Russia. On March 13, 1871, Bismarck, together with representatives of Russia and other countries, signed the London Convention, which lifted the ban on Russia to have a navy in the Black Sea. In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents. The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windhorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

Sunset

The elections of 1881 were actually a defeat for Bismarck: Bismarck's conservative parties and liberals lost to the Center Party, progressive liberals and socialists. The situation became even more serious when opposition parties united to cut the cost of maintaining the army. Once again there was a danger that Bismarck would not remain in the chancellor's chair. Permanent job and the unrest undermined Bismarck's health - he became too fat and suffered from insomnia. Doctor Schwenniger helped him regain his health, who put the chancellor on a diet and forbade him to drink strong wine. The result was not long in coming - very soon the chancellor regained his former efficiency, and he got down to business with new strength.

This time colonial policy came into his field of vision. For the previous twelve years, Bismarck had argued that colonies were an unaffordable luxury for Germany. But during 1884 Germany acquired vast territories in Africa. German colonialism brought Germany closer to its eternal rival France, but created tension in relations with England. Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

In March 1887, Bismarck managed to form a stable conservative majority in the Reichstag, which received the nickname "Cartel". In the wake of chauvinistic hysteria and the threat of war with France, voters decided to rally around the chancellor. This gave him the opportunity to pass a seven-year service law through the Reichstag. In the field of foreign policy, Bismarck then makes one of his biggest mistakes. Supporting the anti-Russian policy of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, he confidently believed in the impossibility of a Franco-Russian alliance (“The Tsar and the Marseillaise are incompatible”). Nevertheless, he decided to conclude a secret so-called agreement with Russia. “reinsurance agreement”, however only up to .

Otto von Bismarck spent the rest of his life on his estate Friedrichsruh near Hamburg, rarely leaving it. His wife Johanna died.

In the last years of his life, Bismarck was pessimistic about the prospects for European politics due to the Franco-Russian alliance and the sharp deterioration of German relations with England. Emperor Wilhelm II visited him several times.

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Otto von Bismarck

“The most pressing issue will be decided not by speeches and majority votes, but by iron and blood.”

Otto von Bismarck

“People are a lot dumber than I thought they were.”

Otto von Bismarck

The life of the creator of the Second Reich of Germany, the legendary Iron Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, when examined in detail and carefully, appears before us as an amazing example of a persistent and consistent struggle, during which, thanks to the rigid supremacy of will, a person managed to complete a long chain of unsuccessful attempts with a colossal victory, which allowed him to take a prominent place in world history.

An impartial look at success and the strategy for achieving it, without a doubt, will not allow us to ignore the birth and development of this extraordinary personality, a man who became a legend during his lifetime.

Otto von Bismarck was the fourth child of a Prussian landowner. The fact that the future chancellor's two older brothers died in infancy, and his immediate predecessor was in very poor health, had a considerable influence on the attitude of the father and mother towards the fourth boy and, accordingly, on the latter's attitude towards himself. Otto was not just loved - his parents’ hopes were pinned on him, he was given the lion’s share of parental attention and he was instilled with the belief that he had a great future. It was this attitude towards the fourth son that contributed to the boy’s transformation into an unpredictable and decisive egoist, ready for any eccentric act and believing in his own infallibility. And looking ahead, it can be argued that later this played a significant role in the emergence in his mature years of thoughts about his own messiahship - coming to German soil to exalt it.

Being a Junker (German landowner), formally Bismarck the father belonged to the nobility, but was not the owner of such material wealth that would guarantee him the necessary degree of influence in the state. On the other hand, the origin of the mother (she was from the family of an official close to the court of King Frederick William II) played a significant role directly in determining Bismarck’s life path and even opened up some starting opportunities for him. In addition, Bismarck's mother, who lived in her childhood and early youth at the royal court, not only learned about the art of court intrigue, but also managed to develop a flexible, inventive mind, no doubt passed on to her son, in whom she believed almost unconditionally.

Some biographers of Bismarck argue that the fact that his father did not participate in the war of liberation of 1813–1814. definitely affected the boy’s character, for the patriotic sentiments of that time often forced children to defend the honor of their family with their fists. Thus, Alan Palmer even came to the conclusion that as a child Otto was “an aggressive outsider, acutely aware of his inferiority.” It is possible that the trembling experiences of childhood and early youth, the unpleasant and shameful feelings of one’s own vulnerability, the difficulty of overcoming frustration for Bismarck’s militant and indomitable character later awakened in him a thirst for significance precisely in the field of German statehood and the development of the national idea. An equally serious factor influencing the formation of Bismar's superidea was the mother, who not only passed on ardent ambitions to her sons, but also provided them with a completely decent education. The latter was an important factor, given that we are talking about the prestigious and extravagant Berlin Plamann School at that time, where, at the firm insistence of the mother, both boys were sent. It seems that it is in this educational institution where special attention focused on the development of original personal qualities, young Bismarck mastered the basics of multifaceted strategic thinking in five years of study. In addition, the school became not only a gym for the development of a young, rather tenacious and fertile mind, but also a good training in independence. Although, paying tribute to objectivity, it is worth noting that the future Chancellor of Germany was very burdened by the rather strict discipline of the school. It couldn’t have been otherwise - cut off from home and in a tightly controlled group from the age of seven, he, on the one hand, was forced to give up childhood self-pity, and on the other, early to learn to live in peace with his sometimes very violent emotions and experiences. Moreover, the result of such independence was the emergence of an indestructible self-confidence, which played such a significant role in his later life.

Of no small importance for the future life of young Bismarck was the fact that after graduating from school, he not only did not leave the big city, but, on the contrary, continued his studies, even managing to change two gymnasiums. Most likely, the role of the mother was decisive in this key turn of events. It is also quite obvious that early isolation from the parental home and forced independence, which almost always gave rise to impressionability and a certain closedness of thoughts that almost always accompany them, determined the direction of the young man’s education - the educational institutions attended by Otto had a clear humanitarian orientation. The early originality of the young Bismarck is also confirmed by the fact that he was an undistinguished average student, that is, he treated school as it should be - as an obligatory, quite ordinary, and therefore not very important for his future life, an almost chimerical activity without a specific goal . But at the same time, he became self-confident and arrogant very early. So much so that, as a university student, he managed to take part in twenty-five duels in the first nine months. This is an excellent illustration of Bismarck's early desire to realize ambitious behavior. He did not agree to come to terms with the position of an “ordinary” or “average” student, and his fierce protest served as a perverted and caustic form of self-expression. A certain character trait can also include a young man’s reluctance to respond to the demands of mentors and his attempts from the very beginning of life to find his own style of perceiving information. However, in return for studying and good grades, the boy read avidly, mainly English and German authors, and later directed his efforts towards mastering the features international relations countries of Europe. It is possible that the latter was precisely the result of negative experiences in childhood associated with the defense of family honor. But reading avidly, as usual, served him well - later it was the unique knowledge of history and in general the peculiarities of the relationship between European states, coupled with the synthesis of the current political situation, which Bismarck’s flexible mind was capable of, that determined the direction of his main efforts and the final choice of his life path.

It is interesting that if the father did not express any clear attitude towards his sons’ education, then the much more demanding and pretentious mother was extremely dissatisfied with his level. For example, in her opinion, young men should have had a much more accurate understanding of the ideas to which they were to devote their future lives. Surprisingly, it was women’s instincts and intuition that told Bismarck’s mother that ideas are the driving force of human development. She could not realize only one thing - ideas are not born in spiritual bondage, they come only at moments of greatest creative insight, a favorable environment for which is an atmosphere of complete freedom and peace of mind. The tenets of Berlin studies, even taking into account their progress, weighed down the development of Bismarck's ideas about his role, despite the fact that they opened the way for him into the world of reflection.

Still, it is worth mentioning the influence on young Bismarck of one mentor - the theologian Dr. Schleiermacher, who instilled in Otto a rational approach not only to religion, but also to life itself. However, the attitude towards religion in general after communicating with the famous scientist forever remained only emphatically cold - the pragmatic mind of the emerging personality did not find a rational grain in it. After graduating from high school at the age of seventeen (according to the recollection of the chancellor himself), he had the firm conviction that “a republic is the most reasonable form of government.”

However, the real idea was still so far away that it might never have been born.

The fledgling and rather ambitious Bismarck was again pushed onto the right path by his mother, insisting on sending him to the Georg August University in Göttingen. Obviously, here, too, the developed maternal feeling did not fail - the educational institution was famous for its serene free-thinking and extraordinary breadth of intellectual outlook for that time. It seems that the mother felt a certain complex and narrow-mindedness in her son’s views and therefore made another effort to unobtrusively determine his life path. It is not surprising, however, that the future chancellor’s attitude towards academic studies at the university has not changed. On the contrary, his self-esteem began to take on such outlandish forms that, without exaggeration, it could already be called delusions of grandeur. The attitude towards the professors, among whom were well-known in the country, venerable colossuses in science, was contemptuous and ironic. Although there were exceptions, of course. But what is surprising is that Bismarck’s degree of respect for this or that scientist was in no way connected with the perception of other students and with official assessments of the teacher’s merits to science - already at such a young age he was able to separate true charm from the props of titles and symbols. In other words, in the judgments of the young Bismarck there was a level of freedom and radicalism inherent only to people who are ready for serious actions, confident in their own daring and not burdened by the influence of the surrounding masses. The latter, undoubtedly, was the achievement of the mother, who demonstrated nonconformism in relation to her husband, unique for that time.

Bismarck the student even dressed pretentiously, which confirms the unbridled desire to stand out from the crowd, to be unlike the faceless mass, although at that moment there were no internal prerequisites for this. At the same time, the very irresistible physical desire to be different, which found expression in extraordinary behavior, a tendency to exaltation and chaotic, semi-wild antics, also gave rise to an internal need to somehow reinforce one’s exclusivity. In order to succeed in originality and color, Bismarck, it seems, was ready to do anything. Therefore, it is quite reasonable to assume that already in his early student period he was in search of worthy idea and consciously developed insolence, which served as a clear sign of disagreement with the faceless and weak-willed world.

It is almost no surprise that the quite capable student Bismarck did not complete his studies at the University of Göttingen - driving the local professors to the extreme degree of indignation with his emphatically inappropriate defiant behavior, reluctance to accept the academic school and obey established authorities. In addition, having felt financial difficulties from a life in Göttingen that was too luxurious and not adequate to the income, and also, possibly, realizing the futility of efforts to obtain a formal education, he decided to move to an educational institution in the capital. From the point of view of the formation of ideas and the inclusion of volitional efforts in the implementation of life strategy, at least two events of the near-student period in the life of the future statesman, which were imprinted on his entire future life, are interesting. The first is associated with his studies in Berlin, where he not only desperately studied with tutors, but stubbornly and frantically, with incredible efforts, with the help of books, he bit into the very essence of knowledge with the help of books, while continuing to defiantly and with his characteristic choleric nature ignore attending lectures. This testifies not only to the strength of a character prepared to face difficulties (after all, Bismarck proved to himself and others that he possessed a rather unique intellectual potency when he defended his dissertation on philosophy and political economy), but also that he was still under the influence of a mother who instilled in her extravagant son that the path to greatness definitely lies through knowledge and acquired, even ephemeral, titles. It was she who pointed out to her son a quite prestigious and quite interesting diplomatic career. The second point is unique in Bismarck’s approach to solving any problem - using absolutely all means: forward movement, preemptive action and cunning. His set of dynamic and extraordinary means became the basis of a unique and completely new diplomacy with an undeniably strategic vision of the European map, as well as a willingness to fight on several fronts at once, while despising any enemy. The reaction to the first tangible obstacle in life and failure associated with the refusal of the Prussian Foreign Minister to satisfy the ambitions of a young man whose temperament, stormy as a mountain river, Narcissus’s pride and narcissism did not inspire any confidence in the country’s cautious and balanced first diplomat, is also interesting. It is noteworthy that the young man, who had barely completed his university education, managed to get an appointment with the minister and, putting aside excessive trepidation, quite specifically asked him for assistance. Such an act is not only evidence of extreme determination and calculation. This is, first of all, an indicator that Bismarck, already in his youth, was ready for any action, including actions in asymmetrical situations (for which, by the way, neither his opponents nor those who surrendered under his inexorable onslaught were ready ), propelling him towards his goal. Bismarck was ready to use all means if only their use would bring results. In addition, he was ready to play, and it is possible that this dizzying balancing on the verge of a fatal fall became the source of the idea to realize oneself in gambling diplomacy. This unique trait, characteristic only of very successful and amazingly persistent and assertive people, was carried by him through his entire changeable and all-weather life and, naturally, brought dividends. In the case of the audience, the only problem was that Bismarck did not yet have a clearly formulated goal, no specific program of action, no fierce intentions, no idea itself in which he himself already believed and for the implementation of which he would be ready to attract all your indestructible will and fantastic energy. However, he was already ready to go through a chain of unsuccessful attempts, because he treated the minister’s advice with a certain amount of irony.

No less interesting is the fact that already at the age of nineteen the young man began to have vague thoughts about the transformation of Prussia. It seems that he, not yet knowing where to direct his energy, had already entered a phase of active search and considered the idea of ​​​​sculpting himself into a heroic image of a statesman as one of several ways of self-realization. But it also seems that the immature Bismarck had no doubts that he had to become SOMEONE. By whom, he did not yet know. But the presence of thoughts of this kind is a very important detail in the formation of any genius and creator.

Can we say that his mother created Bismarck, giving him the best education and arbitrarily putting him on the starting track of a diplomatic career? Knowledge, connections and her instincts as a former court lady acquired in her young years played an extraordinary role. But even if Bismarck had been consistent in implementing his mother's advice and silencing his own voice, desperately breaking through to the surface, he could only count on a routine career as an average diplomat and would never have been able to write his name in history. But Bismarck's charismatic impulsiveness, his choleric exaltation, early developed ability moving ahead and contempt for the foundations, multiplied by knowledge and reinforced by maternal support, gave him starting opportunities. With the help of his mother, from a young age Bismarck learned to look at the world through the prism of his own interests - a trait that is extremely necessary for any victory. Perhaps this was the main achievement of many years educational process young Bismarck.

For every person who has ever achieved success, it is typical to master a certain set of books, which, if not shaped his character, then left an indisputable and indelible imprint on the development and formation of his personality. In practice, the composition of such a package can fluctuate significantly, but in reality, in the life of a person of the second millennium, it is unlikely that anything can replace its presence, since the synthesis of human experience is one of the main conditions for the birth of a new genius. Bismarck was no exception to the rule. It was shaped by the works of Goethe and Schiller, the works of Shakespeare, the works of Byron and Scott, as well as materials on the history of politics. Undoubtedly, the interest of the mother of the two Bismarck sons on “penetration into the world of ideas” and the associated well-founded disappointment: neither Otto nor his brother Bernhard demonstrated the presence of any ideas worthy of attention at the time of graduation. It seems that at this time the mother was making more ambitious plans than her unfledged children. In the end, it was thanks to her that Otto went to Aachen to serve in the administrative board of the city, where the service was not burdensome, but slightly opened the path to self-improvement. The fact that young Bismarck easily succumbed to the fleeting desires of youth and absolutely did not burden himself with official duties cannot but deserve attention. This is only additional evidence of his lack of real idea, and a chain of frivolous mistakes dominated the beginning of his rather mediocre diplomatic career. Undoubtedly, his choleric temperament, clearly expressed by his extravagant actions, drove him to the edge of an abyss, into which once he fell, he would never get out of it. In the end, he showed himself again, practically leaving his place of service for the sake of amorous affairs without any convincing explanation. The series of erroneous and mysterious ill-considered steps was thus continued. It is not surprising that the mother was beside herself with her son’s completely unpredictable frivolous behavior. The only and absolutely irremovable reason that Bismarck had nowhere to direct his crushing energy and brilliant mind prone to dynamic combinations was the absence of an idea as such. He, as a powerful ship of a new unique design, could not move forward on a long voyage, because he had no sails.

It is not surprising that with the death of his mother, who pushed her son through her own connections and persistently urged him to take his career more seriously, the young Bismarck’s diplomatic card was practically beaten. The resignation followed almost immediately. But at that time he had already formed as a person who not only loved to stand out from the general homogeneous mass, but also wanted to literally shock those around him, so that, God forbid, he would not turn out to be colorless. He walked through life like an icebreaker, crushing and crushing everything that could not or did not want to accept his way of thinking and seeing the world, without experiencing any feelings and without succumbing to anyone’s influence. To some extent, Bismarck’s behavior after failures in the diplomatic field can be regarded as a common overcompensation for his own weakness and the need to prove his own importance through the use of the prism of a dim environment. But at the same time, he continued to persistently and seriously work on books, delving into literature and the history of diplomacy, without, however, ignoring philosophy. Several years of seclusion brought the end of the internal crisis closer and the first outlines of a future fundamental idea began to form. Reflections about his own role tormented him so much that he even entered the service of the Potsdam administration, but soon could not stand the desk work and returned to the village seclusion. Twice attempts to build a career foundation failed... Undoubtedly, the twenty-nine-year-old Bismarck was actively searching for himself, not finding a channel into which he could channel his fury and extreme energy.

But everyone who searches for himself is presented more than once real case change everything and continue to dare, no longer in thoughts, but in reality. And the point here is not at all about fate and devilish fate, but about the fact that the world is ready to be transformed by the hand of the strong, if only the one who decided on something serious believed in his own strength. Bismarck was ripe for changes in his life. His will, knowledge gained from books and aspirations to vague, unclear and transcendental heights were ready to forcefully break the absurd ring that had formed around him, a peace and dull voluptuousness that was not characteristic of his violent passions. Bismarck thirsted for battles and victories. This is how he created himself and could no longer hold his demonic will captive.

And a key turn in the life of the dejected landowner, who most admired the harsh spectacle of the ice drift, nevertheless occurred when, in an effort to expand his circle of acquaintances, he was introduced to the Gerlach brothers, who were quite influential in the country. The latter were at that time advisers to King Frederick William IV. During meetings with them, Bismarck quickly demonstrated both his skills of large-scale state thinking and his hurricane temperament, perceived as the ability to take strong actions. And when a suitable opportunity presented itself - to replace a sick deputy from Magdeburg in the United Landtag - Bismarck, in the role of a novice politician, without hesitation went to Berlin.

This was already the third attempt, but neither the failed career as a diplomat nor the impulse to become an employee that ended in resignation at all undermined the young man’s self-confidence. And his demonstrative personality type was the best suited for pursuing a political career. True, for a long time he experienced difficulties in not expressing to the enemy everything that he thought about him. Although sometimes frank statements on his part were perceived as a game and added points to Bismarck himself. It is not surprising that Bismarck’s blood, stagnant in the village over many years of hermit life, began to sparkle at the first opportunity to realize itself. He already had enough knowledge; his direction had not yet been completely formed. The latter had to be found.

Bismarck did not want to wait. He felt that if he took the initiative, he could catch the wave. The main thing is that now it was already on the scale of the country, and therefore everything looked much more attractive than the first step of a diplomatic career somewhere on the outskirts of a great power. Intuitively, he understood that personality brilliance can be a contributing factor to ascension, especially in the political field. He introduced an iron rule into his life, which was that not one of his public speaking as a politician or statesman should not go unnoticed. Solving such a problem required both incredible efforts and extensive knowledge, but the sharpness of young Bismarck in dealing with opponents, coupled with oratorical virtuosity and a clear understanding of both the rapidly changing situation in the international arena and the general balance of power on the continent, instantly distinguished him from a motley mass of more or less mediocre politically active Germans. He suppressed all any noticeable personalities claiming authority with his assertiveness and extraordinary determination. In general, his activity was so volcanic that at times it was unclear how he managed not to get tired for a long time. It is very curious that even in his mature years, Bismarck paid no less attention to oratory than, say, acting, and sometimes he managed to completely dominate the audience, which, of course, influenced his popularity and perception as the savior of Germany. Moreover, both in his youth and in his mature years, this statesman gave free rein to his emotions during his speeches, so that it was very difficult for his opponents to distinguish between acting and true feelings, which often played into the hands of promoting Bismarck’s intrigues. Thus, having spoken for the first time at the age of thirty-two from the podium of the Landtag on the topic of national honor, Bismarck practically did not betray himself - almost every appearance on the podium was associated with a scandal in which he assigned himself the role of defender of German national feeling.

Only one tough and extraordinary performance in the Landtag led to the fact that in one day he achieved what had not been achieved for many years: a scandalous celebrity and transformation into an odious, but recognizable figure were ensured. It seems that this is what contributed to overcoming the main milestone for any politician - he came to the attention of the top officials of the state. And although the king did not indulge the unrestrained and furious parliamentarian during official receptions, nevertheless, having met the barely married Bismarck with his young wife in Venice, he suddenly invited the couple to dine. Obviously, even then the monarch’s thoughts regarding the future role of the young ambitious politician forced him to take a closer look at him.

For a long time, Bismarck made many mistakes in his desire to play as significant a role as possible for those around him and in his burning desire to attract as much attention to his person as possible. However, Bismarck's mistakes and miscalculations, like those of other statesmen of the highest rank, continued throughout his life; they drowned and dissolved in dynamism, activity and the successes that accurate hits brought. And it seems that it was during this period of formation of a politician and statesman that he firmly decided what he would devote his life to. Bismarck found a worthy goal - to realize himself as a statesman, and this idea was adequate to his inflated ambitions. Now that Bismarck was ready and striding strong man Having cultivated an unshakable will in himself, comprehended the art of intrigue and enjoyed the smell of the excitement of a big game, he found himself armed with the main weapon - the thirst for ascension. He, like a climber who had finally reached the high mountains, saw the clear outlines of his peak - alluring and dazzling. The main thing is that he was psychologically prepared for breakdowns and falls. Finally, he was ready to become more patient, although his stormy and impetuous nature languished from the waiting that diplomats needed so much. Bismarck, who had previously left public service twice, was now much less likely to rush headlong into extremes - even the fact of his informal meeting with the brilliant and disgraced foreign policy chancellor of Austria Klemens Metternich, who for 39 years set the tone not only in the German Confederation, but also in Europe in In general, it confirms the desire of the future chancellor to comprehensively study the situation in Europe, penetrate all the undercurrents and understand where traps can be set for hapless leaders. Having reached the age of Jesus, he was full of strength and ready to withstand any battle. In addition, it was now that Bismarck became dangerous to so many. But most importantly, he now had a reason to live and a reason to fight.

This text is an introductory fragment.

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck is the most important German statesman and political figure of the 19th century. His service had an important influence on the course of European history. He is considered the founder of the German Empire. For nearly three decades he shaped Germany: from 1862 to 1873 as Prime Minister of Prussia, and from 1871 to 1890 as Germany's first Chancellor.

Bismarck family

Otto was born on April 1, 1815 on the estate of Schönhausen, on the outskirts of Brandenburg, north of Magdeburg, which was located in the Prussian province of Saxony. His family, starting from the 14th century, belonged to the noble class, and many ancestors held high government positions in the kingdom of Prussia. Otto always remembered his father with love, considering him a modest man. In his youth, Karl Wilhelm Ferdinand served in the army and was demobilized with the rank of cavalry captain (captain). His mother, Louise Wilhelmina von Bismarck, née Mencken, was middle class, heavily influenced by her father, quite rational and of strong character. Louise concentrated on raising her sons, but Bismarck, in his memoirs of childhood, did not describe the special tenderness traditionally emanating from mothers.

The marriage produced six children; three of his siblings died in childhood. They lived a relatively long life: an older brother, born in 1810, Otto himself, born fourth, and a sister born in 1827. A year after the birth, the family moved to the Prussian province of Pomerania, the town of Konarzewo, where the future chancellor spent the first years of his childhood. Here my beloved sister Malvina and brother Bernard were born. Otto's father inherited the Pomeranian estates from his cousin in 1816 and moved to Konarzewo. At that time the estate was a modest building with a brick foundation and wooden walls. Information about the house is preserved thanks to the older brother's drawings, which clearly show a simple two-story building with two short one-story wings on either side of the main entrance.

Childhood and youth

At the age of 7, Otto was sent to an elite private boarding school in, then he continued his education at the Graue Kloster gymnasium. At the age of seventeen, on May 10, 1832, he entered the law faculty of the University of Göttingen, where he spent just over a year. He took a leading place in the social life of students. From November 1833 he continued his studies at the University of Berlin. His education allowed him to engage in diplomacy, but at first he devoted several months to purely administrative work, after which he was transferred to the judicial field in the appellate court. The young man did not work in the civil service for long, since it seemed unthinkable and routine for him to maintain strict discipline. He worked in 1836 as a government clerk in Aachen, and the following year in Potsdam. This is followed by a year of volunteer service in the Greifswald Rifle Battalion Guard. In 1839, he and his brother took over the management of the family estates in Pomerania after the death of their mother.

He returned to Konarzevo at the age of 24. In 1846, he first rented out the estate, and then sold the property inherited from his father to his nephew Philip in 1868. The property remained in the von Bismarck family until 1945. The last owners were brothers Klaus and Philipp, sons of Gottfried von Bismarck.

In 1844, after his sister's marriage, he went to live with his father in Schönhausen. As a passionate hunter and duelist, he gains a reputation as a "savage".

Start of a career

After the death of his father, Otto and his brother take an active part in the life of the area. In 1846, he began working in the office responsible for the operation of the dams, which served as protection against flooding of the regions located on the Elbe. During these years he traveled extensively in England, France and Switzerland. The views inherited from his mother, his own broad outlook and critical attitude towards everything, disposed him to free views with an extreme right-wing bias. He quite original and actively defended the rights of the king and the Christian monarchy in the fight against liberalism. After the outbreak of the revolution, Otto proposed to bring peasants from Schönhausen to Berlin to protect the king from the revolutionary movement. He did not take part in the meetings, but was actively involved in the formation of the Union of the Conservative Party and was one of the founders of the Kreuz-Zeitung, which has since become the newspaper of the monarchist party in Prussia. In the parliament elected at the beginning of 1849, he became one of the sharpest speakers among the representatives of the young nobility. He figured prominently in discussions about the new Prussian constitution, always defending the king's authority. His speeches were distinguished by a unique style of debate combined with originality. Otto understood that party disputes were merely a struggle for power between revolutionary forces and that no compromise was possible between these principles. A clear position on the foreign policy of the Prussian government was also known, in which he actively opposed plans to create a union that would force submission to a single parliament. In 1850, he held a seat in the Erfurt parliament, where he zealously opposed the constitution created by parliament, foreseeing that such government policies would lead to a struggle against Austria, during which Prussia would be the loser. This position of Bismarck prompted the king in 1851 to appoint him first as the chief Prussian representative and then as a minister in the Bundestag in Frankfurt am Main. This was a rather bold appointment, since Bismarck had no experience in diplomatic work.

Here he is trying to achieve equal rights for Prussia and Austria, lobbying for recognition of the Bundestag and is a supporter of small German associations, without Austrian participation. During the eight years he spent in Frankfurt, he became extremely well versed in politics, making him an indispensable diplomat. However, the period he spent in Frankfurt was associated with important changes in political views. In June 1863, Bismarck published regulations regulating freedom of the press and the Crown Prince publicly abandoned the policies of his father's ministers.

Bismarck in the Russian Empire

During the Crimean War, he advocated an alliance with Russia. Bismarck was appointed Prussian ambassador to St. Petersburg, where he stayed from 1859 to 1862. Here he studied the experience of Russian diplomacy. By his own admission, the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Gorchakov, is a great expert in diplomatic art. During his time in Russia, Bismarck not only learned the language, but also developed relationships with Alexander II and with the Dowager Empress, a Prussian princess.

During the first two years he had little influence on the Prussian government: the liberal ministers did not trust his opinion, and the regent was upset by Bismarck's willingness to create an alliance with the Italians. The estrangement between King William and the liberal party opened the path to power for Otto. Albrecht von Roon, who was appointed Minister of War in 1861, was his old friend, and thanks to him Bismarck was able to monitor the state of affairs in Berlin. When a crisis arose in 1862 due to parliament's refusal to vote on the funds needed to reorganize the army, he was summoned to Berlin. The king still could not decide to increase the role of Bismarck, but clearly understood that Otto was the only person who had the courage and ability to fight parliament.

After the death of Frederick William IV, his place on the throne was taken by the regent William I, Frederick Ludwig. When Bismarck left office in 1862 Russian Empire, the tsar offered him a position in the Russian service, but Bismarck refused.

In June 1862 he was appointed ambassador to Paris under Napoleon III. He studies in detail the school of French Bonapartism. In September, the king, on the advice of Roon, summoned Bismarck to Berlin and appointed him prime minister and minister of foreign affairs.

New field

Bismarck's main responsibility as minister was to support the king in reorganizing the army. The dissatisfaction caused by his appointment was serious. His reputation as a categorical ultra-conservative, reinforced by his first speech regarding the belief that German question cannot be settled only by speeches and parliamentary resolutions, but solely by blood and iron, increased the fears of the opposition. There can be no doubt about his determination to bring to an end the long struggle for the supremacy of the dynasty of Electors of the House of Hohenzollern over the Habsburgs. However, two unforeseen events completely changed the situation in Europe and forced the confrontation to be postponed for three years. The first was the outbreak of rebellion in Poland. Bismarck, heir to the old Prussian traditions, remembering the contribution of the Poles to the greatness of Prussia, offered his assistance to the Tsar. By doing this he placed himself in opposition to Western Europe. The political dividend was the tsar's gratitude and Russian support. Even more serious were the difficulties that arose in Denmark. Bismarck was again forced to confront national sentiment.

German reunification

Through the efforts of Bismarck's political will, the North German Confederation was founded by 1867.

The North German Confederation included:

  • Kingdom of Prussia,
  • Kingdom of Saxony,
  • Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin,
  • Duchy of Mecklenburg-Strelitz,
  • Grand Duchy of Oldenburg,
  • Grand Duchy of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach,
  • Duchy of Saxe-Altenburg,
  • Duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,
  • Duchy of Saxe-Meiningen,
  • Duchy of Brunswick,
  • Duchies of Anhalt,
  • Principality of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen,
  • Principality of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt,
  • Principality of Reiss-Greiz,
  • Principality of Reiss-Gera,
  • Principality of Lippe,
  • Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe,
  • Principality of Waldeck,
  • Cities: , and .

Bismarck founded the union, introduced direct suffrage for the Reichstag and the exclusive responsibility of the Federal Chancellor. He himself took up the post of chancellor on July 14, 1867. As chancellor, he controlled the country's foreign policy and was responsible for all the internal policies of the empire, and his influence was visible in every department of state.

Fight against the Roman Catholic Church

After the unification of the country, the government faced the question of unification of faith more urgently than ever. The core of the country, being purely Protestant, faced religious opposition from adherents of the Roman Catholic Church. In 1873, Bismarck not only came under great criticism, but was also wounded by an aggressive believer. This was not the first attempt. In 1866, shortly before the start of the war, he was attacked by Cohen, a native of Württemberg, who wanted to save Germany from a fratricidal war.

The Catholic Center Party unites, attracting the nobility. However, the Chancellor signs the May laws, taking advantage of the numerical superiority of the national liberal party. Another fanatic, apprentice Franz Kuhlmann, on July 13, 1874, makes another attack on the authorities. Long and hard work affects the health of a politician. Bismarck resigned several times. After his retirement he lived in Friedrichsruch.

Personal life of the Chancellor

In 1844, in Konarzewo, Otto met the Prussian noblewoman Joanne von Puttkamer. On July 28, 1847, their wedding took place in the parish church near Reinfeld. Undemanding and deeply religious, Joanna was a loyal colleague who provided significant support throughout her husband's career. Despite the difficult loss of his first lover and the intrigue with the wife of the Russian ambassador Orlova, his marriage turned out to be happy. The couple had three children: Mary in 1848, Herbert in 1849 and William in 1852.

Joanna died on November 27, 1894 at the Bismarck homestead at the age of 70. The husband built a chapel in which she was buried. Her remains were later moved to the Bismarck Mausoleum in Friedrichsruch.

Recent years

In 1871, the emperor gave him part of the possessions of the Duchy of Lauenburg. On his seventieth birthday, he was given a large sum of money, part of which was used to buy out the estate of his ancestors in Schönhausen, part of it to buy an estate in Pomerania, which he henceforth used as a country residence, and the rest of the funds were given to create a fund to help schoolchildren.

On retirement, the Emperor granted him the title of Duke of Lauenburg, but he never used this title. Bismarck spent his last years not far from. He fiercely criticized the government, sometimes in conversation, sometimes from the pages of Hamburg publications. His eightieth birthday in 1895 was celebrated on a grand scale. He died in Friedrichsruch on July 31, 1898.

Otto von Bismarck (Eduard Leopold von Schönhausen) was born on April 1, 1815 on the family estate of Schönhausen in Brandenburg northwest of Berlin, the third son of Prussian landowner Ferdinand von Bismarck-Schönhausen and Wilhelmina Mencken, and was given the name Otto Eduard Leopold at birth.
The estate of Schönhausen was located in the heart of the province of Brandenburg, which occupied a special place in the history of early Germany. To the west of the estate, five miles away, flowed the Elbe River, the main water and transport artery of Northern Germany. The Schönhausen estate has been in the hands of the Bismarck family since 1562.
All generations of this family served the rulers of Brandenburg in peaceful and military fields.

The Bismarcks were considered Junkers, descendants of the conquering knights who founded the first German settlements in the vast lands east of the Elbe with a small Slavic population. The Junkers belonged to the nobility, but in terms of wealth, influence and social status, they could not be compared with the aristocrats of Western Europe and the Habsburg possessions. The Bismarcks, of course, were not among the land magnates; They were also pleased that they could boast of noble origin - their pedigree could be traced back to the reign of Charlemagne.
Wilhelmina, Otto's mother, was from a family of civil servants and belonged to the middle class. Such marriages became more and more common in the 19th century, as the educated middle classes and the old aristocracy began to merge into a new elite.
At the insistence of Wilhelmina, Bernhard, the elder brother, and Otto were sent to study at the Plaman school in Berlin, where Otto studied from 1822 to 1827. At the age of 12, Otto left school and moved to the Friedrich Wilhelm Gymnasium, where he studied for three years. In 1830, Otto moved to the gymnasium "At the Gray Monastery", where he felt freer than in previous educational institutions. Neither mathematics, nor the history of the ancient world, nor the achievements of the new German culture attracted the attention of the young cadet. Otto was most interested in the politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry between different countries.
After graduating from high school, Otto entered the university in Göttingen on May 10, 1832, at the age of 17, where he studied law. While a student, he gained a reputation as a reveler and brawler, and excelled in duels. Otto played cards for money and drank a lot. In September 1833, Otto moved to the New Metropolitan University in Berlin, where life turned out to be cheaper. To be more precise, Bismarck was only registered at the university, since he almost did not attend lectures, but used the services of tutors who visited him before exams. He received his diploma in 1835 and was soon hired to work at the Berlin Municipal Court. In 1837, Otto took the position of tax official in Aachen, and a year later - the same position in Potsdam. There he joined the Guards Jaeger Regiment. In the autumn of 1838, Bismarck moved to Greifswald, where, in addition to his military duties, he studied animal breeding methods at the Elden Academy.

Bismarck is a landowner.

On January 1, 1839, Otto von Bismarck's mother, Wilhelmina, died. The death of his mother did not make a strong impression on Otto: only much later did he come to a true assessment of her qualities. However, this event resolved for some time the urgent problem of what he should do after finishing his military service. Otto helped his brother Bernhard manage the Pomeranian estates, and their father returned to Schönhausen. His father's financial losses, coupled with his innate distaste for the lifestyle of a Prussian official, forced Bismarck to resign in September 1839 and take over the leadership of the family estates in Pomerania. In private conversations, Otto explained this by saying that his temperament was not suitable for the position of a subordinate. He did not tolerate any authority over himself: “My pride requires me to command, and not to carry out other people’s orders.”. Otto von Bismarck, like his father, decided "live and die in the village" .
Otto von Bismarck himself studied accounting, chemistry, and agriculture. His brother, Bernhard, took almost no part in the management of the estates. Bismarck turned out to be a shrewd and practical landowner, winning the respect of his neighbors both with his theoretical knowledge of agriculture and practical success. The value of the estates increased by more than a third in the nine years that Otto ruled them, with three of the nine years experiencing widespread agricultural crisis. And yet Otto could not be just a landowner.

He shocked his Junker neighbors by riding through their meadows and forests on his huge stallion Caleb, not caring who owned these lands. He did the same thing towards the daughters of neighboring peasants. Later, in a fit of repentance, Bismarck admitted that in those years he “I did not shy away from any sin, making friends with bad company of any kind”. Sometimes in the course of an evening Otto would lose at cards everything that he had managed to save over months of painstaking management. Much of what he did was pointless. Thus, Bismarck used to notify his friends of his arrival by firing shots into the ceiling, and one day he appeared in a neighbor’s living room and brought with him a frightened fox on a leash, like a dog, and then released it amid loud hunting cries. His neighbors nicknamed him for his violent temper. "mad Bismarck".
At the estate, Bismarck continued his education, taking up the works of Hegel, Kant, Spinoza, David Friedrich Strauss and Feuerbach. Otto studied English literature very well, since England and its affairs occupied Bismarck more than any other country. Intellectually, the “mad Bismarck” was far superior to his neighbors, the Junkers.
In mid-1841, Otto von Bismarck wanted to marry Ottoline von Puttkamer, the daughter of a wealthy cadet. However, her mother refused him, and in order to unwind, Otto went traveling, visiting England and France. This vacation helped Bismarck to relieve the boredom of rural life in Pomerania. Bismarck became more sociable and made many friends.

Bismarck's entry into politics.

After his father's death in 1845, the family property was divided and Bismarck received the estates of Schönhausen and Kniephof in Pomerania. In 1847 he married Johanna von Puttkamer, a distant relative of the girl he had courted in 1841. Among his new friends in Pomerania were Ernst Leopold von Gerlach and his brother, who were not only at the head of the Pomeranian Pietists, but also part of a group of court advisers.

Bismarck, a student of Gerlach, became famous for his conservative position during the constitutional struggle in Prussia in 1848-1850. From a “mad cadet” Bismarck turned into a “mad deputy” of the Berlin Landtag. Opposing the liberals, Bismarck contributed to the creation of various political organizations and newspapers, including the Neue Preussische Zeitung (New Prussian Newspaper). He was a member of the lower house of the Prussian parliament in 1849 and the Erfurt parliament in 1850, when he opposed a federation of German states (with or without Austria), because he believed that this unification would strengthen the growing revolutionary movement. In his Olmütz speech, Bismarck spoke in defense of King Frederick William IV, who capitulated to Austria and Russia. The pleased monarch wrote about Bismarck: "Ardent reactionary. Use later" .
In May 1851, the king appointed Bismarck as the representative of Prussia in the Diet in Frankfurt am Main. There, Bismarck almost immediately came to the conclusion that Prussia’s goal could not be a German confederation with Austria in a dominant position and that war with Austria was inevitable if Prussia took a dominant position in a united Germany. As Bismarck improved in the study of diplomacy and the art of statecraft, he increasingly moved away from the views of the king and his camarilla. For his part, the king began to lose confidence in Bismarck. In 1859, the king's brother Wilhelm, who was regent at the time, relieved Bismarck of his duties and sent him as envoy to St. Petersburg. There Bismarck became close to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince A.M. Gorchakov, who assisted Bismarck in his efforts aimed at diplomatic isolation of first Austria and then France.

Otto von Bismarck - Minister-President of Prussia. His diplomacy.

In 1862, Bismarck was sent as envoy to France to the court of Napoleon III. He was soon recalled by King William I to resolve differences in the issue of military appropriations, which was heatedly discussed in the lower house of parliament.

In September of the same year he became head of government, and a little later - minister-president and minister of foreign affairs of Prussia.
A militant conservative, Bismarck announced to the liberal majority of parliament, consisting of representatives of the middle class, that the government would continue collecting taxes in accordance with the old budget, because parliament, due to internal contradictions, would not be able to pass a new budget. (This policy continued in 1863-1866, which allowed Bismarck to carry out military reform.) At a parliamentary committee meeting on September 29, Bismarck emphasized: “The great questions of the time will not be decided by speeches and majority resolutions - this was the blunder of 1848 and 1949 - but iron and blood." Since the upper and lower houses of parliament were unable to develop a unified strategy on the issue of national defense, the government, according to Bismarck, should have taken the initiative and forced parliament to agree with its decisions. By limiting the activities of the press, Bismarck took serious measures to suppress the opposition.
For their part, the liberals sharply criticized Bismarck for his proposal to support the Russian Emperor Alexander II in suppressing the Polish uprising of 1863-1864 (Alvensleben Convention of 1863). Over the next decade, Bismarck's policies led to three wars: the war with Denmark in 1864, after which Schleswig, Holstein (Holstein) and Lauenburg were annexed to Prussia; Austria in 1866; and France (Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871).
On April 9, 1866, the day after Bismarck signed a secret agreement on a military alliance with Italy in the event of an attack on Austria, he presented to the Bundestag his project for a German parliament and universal secret suffrage for the country's male population. After the decisive battle of Kötiggrätz (Sadowa), in which German troops defeated the Austrian ones, Bismarck managed to achieve the abandonment of the annexationist claims of Wilhelm I and the Prussian generals who wanted to enter Vienna and demanded large territorial gains, and offered Austria an honorable peace (Prague Peace of 1866) . Bismarck did not allow Wilhelm I to “bring Austria to its knees” by occupying Vienna. The future chancellor insisted on relatively easy peace terms for Austria in order to ensure its neutrality in the future conflict between Prussia and France, which became inevitable from year to year. Austria was expelled from the German Confederation, Venice joined Italy, Hanover, Nassau, Hesse-Kassel, Frankfurt, Schleswig and Holstein went to Prussia.
One of the most important consequences of the Austro-Prussian War was the formation of the North German Confederation, which, along with Prussia, included about 30 other states. All of them, according to the constitution adopted in 1867, formed a single territory with laws and institutions common to all. The foreign and military policy of the union was actually transferred to the hands of the Prussian king, who was declared its president. A customs and military treaty was soon concluded with the South German states. These steps clearly showed that Germany was rapidly moving towards its unification under the leadership of Prussia.
The southern German states of Bavaria, Württemberg and Baden remained outside the North German Confederation. France did everything possible to prevent Bismarck from including these lands in the North German Confederation. Napoleon III did not want to see a united Germany on his eastern borders. Bismarck understood that this problem could not be solved without war. Over the next three years, Bismarck's secret diplomacy was directed against France. In Berlin, Bismarck introduced a bill to parliament exonerating him from liability for unconstitutional actions, which was approved by the liberals. French and Prussian interests clashed every now and then on various issues. Militant anti-German sentiment was strong in France at that time. Bismarck played on them.
Appearance "Ems dispatch" was caused by the scandalous events surrounding the nomination of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern (nephew of William I) to the Spanish throne, which was vacated after the revolution in Spain in 1868. Bismarck correctly calculated that France would never agree to such an option and, in the event of Leopold’s accession to Spain, would begin to rattle sabers and make belligerent statements against the North German Union, which would sooner or later end in war. Therefore, he vigorously promoted Leopold’s candidacy, however, assuring Europe that the German government was completely uninvolved in the Hohenzollern claims to the Spanish throne. In his circulars, and later in his memoirs, Bismarck in every possible way denied his participation in this intrigue, arguing that the nomination of Prince Leopold to the Spanish throne was a “family” affair of the Hohenzollerns. In fact, Bismarck and War Minister Roon and Chief of the General Staff Moltke, who came to his aid, spent a lot of effort to convince the reluctant Wilhelm I to support Leopold’s candidacy.
As Bismarck had hoped, Leopold's bid for the Spanish throne caused a storm of indignation in Paris. On July 6, 1870, the French Foreign Minister Duke de Gramont exclaimed: “This will not happen, we are sure of it... Otherwise, we would be able to fulfill our duty without showing any weakness or hesitation.” After this statement, Prince Leopold, without any consultation with the king or Bismarck, announced that he was renouncing his claims to the Spanish throne.
This step was not part of Bismarck's plans. Leopold's refusal destroyed his hopes that France would itself start a war against the North German Confederation. This was fundamentally important for Bismarck, who sought to ensure the neutrality of the leading European states in a future war, which he later succeeded in largely due to the fact that France was the attacking party. It is difficult to judge how sincere Bismarck was in his memoirs when he wrote that upon receiving the news of Leopold’s refusal to take the Spanish throne "My first thought was to resign"(Bismarck more than once submitted requests for resignation to William I, using them as one of the means of putting pressure on the king, who without his chancellor meant nothing in politics), however, another of his memoirs, dating back to the same time, looks quite reliable: “At that time I already considered war a necessity, which we could not avoid with honor.” .
While Bismarck was wondering what other ways could be used to provoke France into declaring war, the French themselves gave an excellent reason for this. On July 13, 1870, the French ambassador Benedetti showed up to William I, who was vacationing on the Ems waters, in the morning and conveyed to him a rather impudent request from his minister Gramont - to assure France that he (the king) would never give his consent if Prince Leopold again put forward his candidacy for Spanish throne. The king, outraged by such an act that was truly daring for the diplomatic etiquette of those times, responded with a sharp refusal and interrupted Benedetti’s audience. A few minutes later, he received a letter from his ambassador in Paris, which stated that Gramont insisted that William, in a handwritten letter, assure Napoleon III that he had no intention of harming the interests and dignity of France. This news completely infuriated William I. When Benedetti asked for a new audience to talk on this topic, he refused to receive him and conveyed through his adjutant that he had said his last word.
Bismarck learned about these events from a dispatch sent in the afternoon from Ems by Councilor Abeken. The dispatch to Bismarck was delivered during lunch. Roon and Moltke dined with him. Bismarck read the dispatch to them. The dispatch made the most difficult impression on the two old soldiers. Bismarck recalled that Roon and Moltke were so upset that they “neglected food and drink.” Having finished reading, Bismarck some time later asked Moltke about the state of the army and its readiness for war. Moltke responded in the spirit that “the immediate start of war is more profitable than delaying it.” After this, Bismarck immediately edited the telegram at the dinner table and read it to the generals. Here is its text: “After the news of the abdication of the Crown Prince of Hohenzollern had been officially communicated to the French Imperial Government by the Spanish Royal Government, the French Ambassador at Ems presented to His Royal Majesty an additional demand: to authorize him to telegraph to Paris that His Majesty the King undertakes for all future times never give his consent if the Hohenzollerns return to their candidacy. His Majesty the King refused to receive the French ambassador again and ordered the adjutant on duty to tell him that His Majesty had nothing more to tell the ambassador.”
Even Bismarck's contemporaries suspected him of falsification "Ems dispatch". The German Social Democrats Liebknecht and Bebel were the first to talk about this. In 1891, Liebknecht even published the brochure “The Ems Dispatch, or How Wars Are Made.” Bismarck wrote in his memoirs that he only deleted “something” from the dispatch, but did not add “a word” to it. What did Bismarck delete from the Ems Dispatch? First of all, something that could indicate the true inspirer of the appearance of the king’s telegram in print. Bismarck crossed out the wish of William I to transfer “to the discretion of your Excellency, i.e. Bismarck, the question of whether we should inform both our representatives and the press about Benedetti’s new demand and the king’s refusal.” To strengthen the impression of the French envoy's disrespect for William I, Bismarck did not insert into the new text a mention of the fact that the king answered the ambassador "rather sharply." The remaining reductions were not significant. The new edition of the Ems dispatch brought Roon and Moltke, who dined with Bismarck, out of their depression. The latter exclaimed: “It sounds different; before it sounded like a signal to retreat, now it sounds like a fanfare.” Bismarck began to develop his further plans for them: “We must fight if we do not want to take on the role of the defeated without a fight. But success depends largely on the impressions that the origin of the war will cause in us and others; it is important that we be those who were attacked, and Gallic arrogance and resentment will help us in this ... "
Further events unfolded in the direction most desirable for Bismarck. The publication of the "Ems dispatch" in many German newspapers caused a storm of indignation in France. Foreign Minister Gramon shouted indignantly in parliament that Prussia had slapped France. On July 15, 1870, the head of the French cabinet, Emile Olivier, demanded a loan of 50 million francs from parliament and announced the government’s decision to call up reservists “in response to the call to war.” The future President of France, Adolphe Thiers, who in 1871 would make peace with Prussia and drown the Paris Commune in blood, was still a member of parliament in July 1870, and was perhaps the only sane politician in France in those days. He tried to convince the deputies to refuse Olivier a loan and to call up reservists, arguing that since Prince Leopold had renounced the Spanish crown, French diplomacy had achieved its goal and there was no need to quarrel with Prussia over words and bring the matter to a break on a purely formal issue. Olivier responded to this that he was “with a light heart” ready to bear the responsibility that now fell on him. In the end, the deputies approved all the government's proposals, and on July 19, France declared war on the North German Confederation.
Bismarck, meanwhile, communicated with the Reichstag deputies. It was important for him to carefully hide from the public his painstaking behind-the-scenes work to provoke France into declaring war. With his characteristic hypocrisy and resourcefulness, Bismarck convinced the deputies that the government and he personally did not participate in the whole story with Prince Leopold. He shamelessly lied when he told the deputies that he learned about Prince Leopold’s desire to take the Spanish throne not from the king, but from some “private individual”, that the North German ambassador left Paris on his own “for personal reasons”, and was not recalled by the government (in fact, Bismarck ordered the ambassador to leave France, irritated by his “softness” towards the French). Bismarck diluted this lie with a dose of truth. He did not lie when he said that the decision to publish a dispatch about the negotiations in Ems between William I and Benedetti was made by the government at the request of the king himself.
William I himself did not expect that the publication of the “Ems Dispatch” would lead to such a quick war with France. After reading Bismarck's edited text in the newspapers, he exclaimed: "This is war!" The king was afraid of this war. Bismarck later wrote in his memoirs that William I should not have negotiated with Benedetti at all, but he "subjected his person as monarch to the unscrupulous treatment of this foreign agent" largely because he yielded to pressure from his wife Queen Augusta with "her femininely justified by timidity and the national feeling she lacked.” Thus, Bismarck used William I as a cover for his behind-the-scenes intrigues against France.
When the Prussian generals began to win victory after victory over the French, not a single major European power stood up for France. This was the result of the preliminary diplomatic activities of Bismarck, who managed to achieve the neutrality of Russia and England. He promised Russia neutrality if it withdraws from the humiliating Treaty of Paris, which prohibited it from having its own fleet in the Black Sea; the British were outraged by the draft treaty published on Bismarck’s instructions on the annexation of Belgium by France. But the most important thing was that it was France that attacked the North German Confederation, despite the repeated peace-loving intentions and minor concessions that Bismarck made towards her (the withdrawal of Prussian troops from Luxembourg in 1867, statements about his readiness to abandon Bavaria and create from it to a neutral country, etc.). When editing the Ems Dispatch, Bismarck did not impulsively improvise, but was guided by the real achievements of his diplomacy and therefore emerged victorious. And, as you know, the winners are not judged. The authority of Bismarck, even in retirement, was so high in Germany that no one (except the Social Democrats) thought of pouring buckets of mud on him when in 1892 the true text of the “Ems Dispatch” was made public from the rostrum of the Reichstag.

Otto von Bismarck - Chancellor of the German Empire.

Exactly a month after the start of hostilities, a significant part of the French army was surrounded by German troops near Sedan and capitulated. Napoleon III himself surrendered to William I.
In November 1870, the South German states joined the United German Confederation, which was transformed from the North. In December 1870, the Bavarian king proposed to restore the German Empire and German imperial dignity, destroyed at one time by Napoleon. This proposal was accepted, and the Reichstag turned to Wilhelm I with a request to accept the imperial crown. In 1871, at Versailles, William I wrote on the envelope the address - "Chancellor of the German Empire", thereby confirming Bismarck's right to rule the empire that he created, and which was proclaimed on January 18 in the hall of mirrors at Versailles. On March 2, 1871, the Treaty of Paris was concluded - difficult and humiliating for France. The border regions of Alsace and Lorraine went to Germany. France had to pay 5 billion indemnities. Wilhelm I returned to Berlin as a triumphant man, although all the credit belonged to the chancellor.
The "Iron Chancellor", representing the interests of the minority and absolute power, ruled this empire in 1871-1890, relying on the consent of the Reichstag, where from 1866 to 1878 he was supported by the National Liberal Party. Bismarck carried out reforms of German law, government and finance. His educational reforms in 1873 led to conflict with the Roman Catholic Church, but the main cause of the conflict was the growing distrust of German Catholics (who made up about a third of the country's population) towards Protestant Prussia. When these contradictions manifested themselves in the activities of the Catholic Center Party in the Reichstag in the early 1870s, Bismarck was forced to take action. The struggle against the dominance of the Catholic Church was called "Kulturkampf"(Kulturkampf, struggle for culture). During it, many bishops and priests were arrested, hundreds of dioceses were left without leaders. Church appointments now had to be coordinated with the state; Church officials could not serve in the state apparatus. Schools were separated from the church, civil marriage was introduced, and the Jesuits were expelled from Germany.
Bismarck built his foreign policy based on the situation that developed in 1871 after the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian War and the seizure of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany, which became a source of constant tension. With the help of a complex system of alliances that ensured the isolation of France, the rapprochement of Germany with Austria-Hungary and the maintenance of good relations with Russia (the alliance of the three emperors - Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia in 1873 and 1881; the Austro-German alliance in 1879; "Triple Alliance" between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy in 1882; The "Mediterranean Agreement" of 1887 between Austria-Hungary, Italy and England and the "Reinsurance Treaty" with Russia of 1887) Bismarck managed to maintain peace in Europe. The German Empire under Chancellor Bismarck became one of the leaders in international politics.
In the field of foreign policy, Bismarck made every effort to consolidate the gains of the Frankfurt Peace of 1871, promoted the diplomatic isolation of the French Republic, and sought to prevent the formation of any coalition that threatened German hegemony. He chose not to participate in the discussion of claims against the weakened Ottoman Empire. When at the Berlin Congress of 1878, under the chairmanship of Bismarck, the next phase of the discussion of the “Eastern Question” ended, he played the role of an “honest broker” in the dispute between the rival parties. Although the Triple Alliance was directed against Russia and France, Otto von Bismarck believed that a war with Russia would be extremely dangerous for Germany. The secret treaty with Russia in 1887 - the "reinsurance treaty" - showed Bismarck's ability to act behind the backs of his allies, Austria and Italy, to maintain the status quo in the Balkans and the Middle East.
Until 1884, Bismarck did not give clear definitions of the course of colonial policy, mainly due to friendly relations with England. Other reasons were the desire to preserve German capital and minimize government spending. Bismarck's first expansionist plans aroused vigorous protests from all parties - Catholics, statists, socialists and even representatives of his own class - the Junkers. Despite this, under Bismarck Germany began to transform into a colonial empire.
In 1879, Bismarck broke with the liberals and subsequently relied on a coalition of large landowners, industrialists, and senior military and government officials.

In 1879, Chancellor Bismarck achieved the adoption of a protective customs tariff by the Reichstag. Liberals were forced out of big politics. The new course of German economic and financial policy corresponded to the interests of large industrialists and large farmers. Their union took a dominant position in political life and government. Otto von Bismarck gradually moved from the Kulturkampf policy to persecution of socialists. In 1878, after an attempt on the life of the Emperor, Bismarck led through the Reichstag "exceptional law" against the socialists, prohibiting the activities of social democratic organizations. On the basis of this law, many newspapers and societies, often far from socialism, were closed. The constructive side of his negative prohibitive position was the introduction of state insurance for sickness in 1883, in case of injury in 1884 and old-age pensions in 1889. However, these measures could not isolate German workers from the Social Democratic Party, although they distracted them from revolutionary methods of solving social problems. At the same time, Bismarck opposed any legislation regulating the working conditions of workers.

Conflict with Wilhelm II and Bismarck's resignation.

With the accession of Wilhelm II in 1888, Bismarck lost control of the government.

Under Wilhelm I and Frederick III, who ruled for less than six months, none of the opposition groups could shake Bismarck's position. The self-confident and ambitious Kaiser refused to play a secondary role, declaring at one of the banquets in 1891: "There is only one master in the country - that is me, and I will not tolerate another"; and his strained relations with the Reich Chancellor became increasingly strained. The most serious differences emerged on the issue of amending the “Exceptional Law against Socialists” (in force in 1878-1890) and on the right of ministers subordinate to the Chancellor to have a personal audience with the Emperor. Wilhelm II hinted to Bismarck about the desirability of his resignation and received his resignation from Bismarck on March 18, 1890. The resignation was accepted two days later, Bismarck received the title of Duke of Lauenburg, and he was also awarded the rank of Colonel General of the Cavalry.
Bismarck's removal to Friedrichsruhe was not the end of his interest in political life. He was especially eloquent in his criticism of the newly appointed Reich Chancellor and Minister-President Count Leo von Caprivi. In 1891, Bismarck was elected to the Reichstag from Hanover, but never took his seat there, and two years later he refused to stand for re-election. In 1894, the emperor and the already aging Bismarck met again in Berlin - at the suggestion of Clovis of Hohenlohe, Prince of Schillingfürst, Caprivi's successor. In 1895, all of Germany celebrated the 80th anniversary of the “Iron Chancellor”. In June 1896, Prince Otto von Bismarck took part in the coronation of Russian Tsar Nicholas II. Bismarck died in Friedrichsruhe on July 30, 1898. The “Iron Chancellor” was buried at his own request on his estate Friedrichsruhe, and the inscription was engraved on the tombstone of his tomb: "Loyal servant of the German Kaiser Wilhelm I". In April 1945, the house in Schönhausen where Otto von Bismarck was born in 1815 was burned down by Soviet troops.
Bismarck's literary monument is his "Thoughts and Memories"(Gedanken und Erinnerungen), and "The Big Politics of European Cabinets"(Die grosse Politik der europaischen Kabinette, 1871-1914, 1924-1928) in 47 volumes serves as a monument to his diplomatic art.

Literature used.

1. Emil Ludwig. Bismarck. - M.: Zakharov-AST, 1999.
2. Alan Palmer. Bismarck. - Smolensk: Rusich, 1998.
3. Encyclopedia "The World Around Us" (cd)

Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen (German: Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen). Born April 1, 1815 in Schönhausen - died July 30, 1898 in Friedrichsruh. German statesman, prince, first chancellor of the German Empire (second Reich), nicknamed the “Iron Chancellor”.

Otto Von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small nobles in Schönhausen, in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers of Brandenburg in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

From 1822 to 1827, Otto studied at the Plamann school, which emphasized physical development. But young Otto was not happy with this, which he often wrote to his parents about. At the age of twelve, Otto left Plaman's school, but did not leave Berlin, continuing his studies at the Frederick the Great Gymnasium on Friedrichstrasse, and when he was fifteen years old, he moved to the Gray Monastery Gymnasium. Otto showed himself to be an average, not outstanding student. But he learned French well and German languages, keen on reading foreign literature. The young man’s main interests lay in the politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry between different countries. At that time, the young man, unlike his mother, was far from religion.

After graduating from high school, Otto’s mother sent him to the Georg August University in Göttingen, which was located in the kingdom of Hanover. It was assumed that there young Bismarck would study law and, in the future, enter the diplomatic service. However, Bismarck was not in the mood for serious study and preferred to have fun with friends, of whom there were many in Gottingen. Otto often took part in duels, in one of which he was wounded for the first and only time in his life - the wound left him with a scar on his cheek. In general, Otto von Bismarck at that time was not much different from the “golden” German youth.

Bismarck did not complete his education in Göttingen - living on a grand scale turned out to be burdensome for his pocket, and, under threat of arrest by the university authorities, he left the city. For a whole year he was enrolled at the New Metropolitan University of Berlin, where he defended his dissertation on philosophy and political economy. This was the end of his university education. Naturally, Bismarck immediately decided to start a career in the diplomatic field, for which his mother had high hopes. But the then Prussian Foreign Minister refused the young Bismarck, advising him to “look for a position in some administrative institution within Germany, and not in the sphere of European diplomacy.” It is possible that this decision of the minister was influenced by rumors about Otto’s stormy student life and his passion for sorting things out through a duel.

As a result, Bismarck went to work in Aachen, which had recently become part of Prussia. The influence of France was still felt in this resort town and Bismarck was mainly concerned with the problems associated with the annexation of this border territory into the customs union, which was dominated by Prussia. But the work, according to Bismarck himself, “was not burdensome” and he had plenty of time to read and enjoy life. During the same period, he had many love affairs with visitors to the resort. Once he even almost married the daughter of an English parish priest, Isabella Lorraine-Smith.

Having fallen out of favor in Aachen, Bismarck was forced to enlist in military service - in the spring of 1838 he enlisted in the guards battalion of rangers. However, his mother's illness shortened his service life: many years of caring for children and the estate undermined her health. The death of his mother put an end to Bismarck's wanderings in search of business - it became completely clear that he would have to manage his Pomeranian estates.

Having settled in Pomerania, Otto von Bismarck began to think about ways to increase the profitability of his estates and soon won the respect of his neighbors with both theoretical knowledge and practical success. Life on the estate greatly disciplined Bismarck, especially when compared with his student years. He showed himself to be a shrewd and practical landowner. But still, his student habits made themselves felt, and soon the surrounding cadets nicknamed him “mad.”

Bismarck became very close to his younger sister Malvina, who finished her studies in Berlin. A spiritual closeness arose between brother and sister, caused by similarities in tastes and sympathies. Otto introduced Malvina to his friend Arnim, and a year later they got married.

Bismarck never again ceased to consider himself a believer in God and a follower of Martin Luther. He began each morning by reading passages from the Bible. Otto decided to become engaged to Maria Johanna von Puttkamer's friend, which he achieved without any problems.

Around this time, Bismarck had his first opportunity to enter politics as a member of the newly formed United Landtag of the Kingdom of Prussia. He decided not to lose this chance and on May 11, 1847, took his deputy seat, temporarily postponing own wedding. This was a time of intense confrontation between liberals and conservative pro-royal forces: liberals demanded a Constitution and greater civil liberties from Frederick William IV, but the king was in no hurry to grant them; he needed money to build a railway from Berlin to East Prussia. It was for this purpose that he convened the United Landtag, consisting of eight provincial landstags, in April 1847.

After his first speech in the Diet, Bismarck became notorious. In his speech, he tried to refute the liberal deputy’s assertion about the constitutional nature of the war of liberation of 1813. As a result, thanks to the press, the “mad” cadet from Kniphof turned into a “mad” deputy of the Berlin Landtag. A month later, Otto earned himself the nickname “Persecutor Fincke” because of his constant attacks on the idol and mouthpiece of the liberals, Georg von Fincke. Revolutionary sentiments were gradually maturing in the country; especially among the urban lower classes, dissatisfied with rising food prices. Under these conditions, Otto von Bismarck and Johanna von Puttkamer finally got married.

The year 1848 brought a whole wave of revolutions - in France, Italy, Austria. In Prussia, the revolution also broke out under pressure from patriotic liberals who demanded the unification of Germany and the creation of a Constitution. The king was forced to accept the demands. Bismarck was at first afraid of the revolution and was even going to help lead the army to Berlin, but soon his ardor cooled down, and only despondency and disappointment in the monarch, who made concessions, remained.

Due to his reputation as an incorrigible conservative, Bismarck had no chance of entering the new Prussian National Assembly, elected by universal suffrage of the male part of the population. Otto feared for the traditional rights of the Junkers, but soon calmed down and admitted that the revolution was less radical than it seemed. He had no choice but to return to his estates and write to the new conservative newspaper Kreuzzeitung. At this time, there was a gradual strengthening of the so-called “camarilla” - a bloc of conservative politicians, which included Otto von Bismarck.

The logical result of the strengthening of the camarilla was the counter-revolutionary coup of 1848, when the king interrupted the parliament session and sent troops into Berlin. Despite all Bismarck’s merits in preparing this coup, the king refused him a ministerial post, branding him an “inveterate reactionary.” The king was in no mood to give the reactionaries a free hand: soon after the coup, he published a Constitution that combined the principle of monarchy with the creation of a bicameral parliament. The monarch also reserved the right of absolute veto and the right to rule through emergency decrees. This Constitution did not live up to the aspirations of the liberals, but Bismarck still seemed too progressive.

But he was forced to come to terms with it and decided to try to advance to the lower house of parliament. With great difficulty, Bismarck managed to pass both rounds of elections. He took his seat as a deputy on February 26, 1849. However, Bismarck's negative attitude towards the German unification and the Frankfurt Parliament greatly damaged his reputation. After the dissolution of parliament by the king, Bismarck practically lost his chances of being re-elected. But this time he was lucky, because the king changed the electoral system, which saved Bismarck from the need to conduct an election campaign. On August 7, Otto von Bismarck again took his parliamentary seat.

A little time passed, and a serious conflict arose between Austria and Prussia, which could escalate into a full-scale war. Both states considered themselves leaders of the German world and tried to draw small German principalities into their orbit of influence. This time Erfurt became the stumbling block, and Prussia had to give in, concluding the “Olmütz Agreement”. Bismarck actively supported this agreement, as he believed that Prussia could not win this war. After some hesitation, the king appointed Bismarck as Prussia's representative to the Frankfurt Diet. Bismarck did not yet have the diplomatic qualities necessary for this post, but he had a natural mind and political insight. Soon Bismarck met the most famous political figure in Austria, Clement Metternich.

During the Crimean War, Bismarck resisted Austrian attempts to mobilize German armies for war with Russia. He became an ardent supporter of the German Confederation and an opponent of Austrian dominance. As a result, Bismarck became the main supporter of an alliance with Russia and France (who had recently been at war with each other), directed against Austria. First of all, it was necessary to establish contact with France, for which Bismarck left for Paris on April 4, 1857, where he met with Emperor Napoleon III, who did not make much of an impression on him. But due to the king’s illness and a sharp turn in Prussian foreign policy, Bismarck’s plans were not destined to come true, and he was sent as ambassador to Russia. In January 1861, King Frederick William IV died and was replaced by the former regent William I, after which Bismarck was transferred as ambassador to Paris.

But he did not stay in Paris for long. In Berlin at this time another crisis broke out between the king and parliament. And in order to resolve it, despite the resistance of the Empress and the Crown Prince, Wilhelm I appointed Bismarck as head of government, transferring to him the posts of Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The long era of Bismarck as Chancellor began. Otto formed his cabinet of conservative ministers, among whom there were practically no prominent personalities, except for Roon, who headed the military department. After the cabinet was approved, Bismarck gave a speech in the lower house of the Landtag, where he uttered the famous phrase about “blood and iron.” Bismarck was confident that the time had come for Prussia and Austria to compete for German lands.

In 1863, conflict broke out between Prussia and Denmark over the status of Schleswig and Holstein, which were the southern part of Denmark but were dominated by ethnic Germans. The conflict had been smoldering for a long time, but in 1863 it escalated with renewed vigor under pressure from nationalists on both sides. As a result, at the beginning of 1864, Prussian troops occupied Schleswig-Holstein and soon these duchies were divided between Prussia and Austria. However, this was not the end of the conflict; the crisis in relations between Austria and Prussia was constantly smoldering, but did not fade away.

In 1866, it became clear that war could not be avoided and both sides began to mobilize their military forces. Prussia was in a close alliance with Italy, which put pressure on Austria from the southwest and sought to occupy Venice. The Prussian armies quickly occupied most of the northern German lands and were ready for the main campaign against Austria. The Austrians suffered one defeat after another and were forced to accept a peace treaty imposed by Prussia. Hesse, Nassau, Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein and Frankfurt went to it.

The war with Austria greatly exhausted the chancellor and undermined his health. Bismarck took a vacation. But he didn't have to rest for long. From the beginning of 1867, Bismarck worked hard to create a Constitution for the North German Confederation. After some concessions to the Landtag, the Constitution was adopted and the North German Confederation was born. Two weeks later Bismarck became chancellor. This strengthening of Prussia greatly excited the rulers of France and Russia. And, if relations with Alexander II remained quite warm, the French were very negative towards the Germans. Passions were fueled by the Spanish succession crisis. One of the contenders for the Spanish throne was Leopold, who belonged to the Brandenburg Hohenzollern dynasty, and France could not allow him to the important Spanish throne. Patriotic sentiments began to rule in both countries. The war was not long in coming.

The war was devastating for the French, especially the crushing defeat at Sedan, which they remember to this day. Very soon the French were ready to capitulate. Bismarck demanded from France the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, which was completely unacceptable both to Emperor Napoleon III and the Republicans who founded the Third Republic. The Germans managed to take Paris, and French resistance gradually faded away. German troops marched triumphantly through the streets of Paris. During the Franco-Prussian War, patriotic sentiments intensified in all German states, which allowed Bismarck to further unite the North German Confederation by announcing the creation of the Second Reich, and Wilhelm I accepted the title of Emperor (Kaiser) of Germany. Bismarck himself, on the wave of universal popularity, received the title of prince and the new estate of Friedrichsruhe.

In the Reichstag, meanwhile, a powerful opposition coalition was being formed, the core of which was the newly created centrist Catholic party, united with parties representing national minorities. In order to counter the clericalism of the Catholic Center, Bismarck moved towards rapprochement with the National Liberals, who had the largest share in the Reichstag. The “Kulturkampf” began - Bismarck’s struggle with the Catholic Church and Catholic parties. This struggle had a negative impact on German unity, but it became a matter of principle for Bismarck.

In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents. The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windhorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

In 1879, Franco-German relations deteriorated and Russia, in the form of an ultimatum, demanded that Germany not start a new war. This indicated a loss of mutual understanding with Russia. Bismarck found himself in a very difficult international situation that threatened isolation. He even submitted his resignation, but the Kaiser refused to accept it and sent the Chancellor on an indefinite leave that lasted five months.

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation, but it was rejected by centrists and liberal progressives. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor. At this difficult time for Germany, the Berlin Congress of Leading Powers opened in Berlin to consider the results of the Russian-Turkish War. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers.

Immediately after the end of the congress, elections to the Reichstag were held in Germany (1879), in which conservatives and centrists received a confident majority at the expense of liberals and socialists. This allowed Bismarck to pass through the Reichstag a bill directed against the socialists. Another outcome of the new balance of power in the Reichstag was the opportunity to carry out protectionist economic reforms in order to overcome the economic crisis that began in 1873. With these reforms, the Chancellor managed to greatly disorient the national liberals and win over the centrists, which was simply unimaginable a few years earlier. It became clear that the Kulturkampf period had been overcome.

Fearing a rapprochement between France and Russia, Bismarck renewed the Alliance of the Three Emperors in 1881, but relations between Germany and Russia continued to remain strained, which was aggravated by increased contacts between St. Petersburg and Paris. Fearing that Russia and France would act against Germany, as a counterweight to the Franco-Russian alliance, an agreement was signed in 1882 to create the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria and Italy).

The elections of 1881 were actually a defeat for Bismarck: Bismarck's conservative parties and liberals lost to the Center Party, progressive liberals and socialists. The situation became even more serious when opposition parties united to cut the cost of maintaining the army. Once again there was a danger that Bismarck would not remain in the chancellor's chair. Constant work and worry undermined Bismarck's health - he became too fat and suffered from insomnia. Doctor Schwenniger helped him regain his health, who put the chancellor on a diet and forbade him to drink strong wine. The result was not long in coming - very soon the chancellor regained his former efficiency, and he took up his affairs with renewed vigor.

This time colonial policy came into his field of vision. For the previous twelve years, Bismarck had argued that colonies were an unaffordable luxury for Germany. But during 1884 Germany acquired vast territories in Africa. German colonialism brought Germany closer to its eternal rival France, but created tension in relations with England. Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

In March 1887, Bismarck managed to form a stable conservative majority in the Reichstag, which received the nickname "Cartel". In the wake of chauvinistic hysteria and the threat of war with France, voters decided to rally around the chancellor. This gave him the opportunity to pass a seven-year service law through the Reichstag. At the beginning of 1888, Emperor Wilhelm I died, which did not bode well for the chancellor.

The new emperor was Frederick III, who was terminally ill with throat cancer, and by that time was in a terrible physical and mental state. A few months later he also died. The throne of the empire was taken by the young Wilhelm II, who had a rather cool attitude towards the chancellor. The emperor began to actively intervene in politics, relegating the elderly Bismarck to the background. Particularly controversial was the anti-socialist bill, in which social reforms went hand in hand with political repression (which was very much in the spirit of the chancellor). This conflict led to Bismarck's resignation on March 20, 1890.

Otto von Bismarck spent the rest of his life on his estate Friedrichsruhe near Hamburg, rarely leaving it. His wife Johanna died in 1884. In the last years of his life, Bismarck was pessimistic about the prospects for European politics. Emperor Wilhelm II visited him several times. In 1898, the ex-chancellor's health deteriorated sharply, and on July 30 he died in Friedrichsruhe.