National conflicts in the modern world are examples. Ethnic and national conflicts in modern Russia. Ethnic conflicts in the modern world

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

federal state budgetary educational institution of higher professional education

"St. Petersburg State University of Technology and Design"

INSTITUTE OF BUSINESS COMMUNICATIONS

DEPARTMENT OF TOURISM BUSINESS

Test

in the discipline "Fundamentals of Ethnopsychology"

TOPIC: The Nature of Ethnic Conflict

student group 4СЗ-50с

Krutova Anna Andreevna

St. Petersburg

Introduction

Chapter 1. Basic concepts and causes of ethnic conflict

1.1 The concept of "interethnic tension"

1.2 Causes of ethnic conflicts

Chapter 2. Typology and classification of ethnic conflicts

2.1 Classification of ethnic conflicts

2.2 Typology of ethnic conflicts

2.3 Stages of ethnic conflict

2.4 Examples of ethnic conflicts

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

Ethnopsychology - (from the Greek ethnos - tribe, people) - an interdisciplinary branch of knowledge that studies the ethnic characteristics of the psyche of people, national character, patterns of formation and functions of national self-consciousness, ethnic stereotypes, etc.

This is a section of social psychology that studies the characteristics of the psychology of individual ethnic groups. Ethnopsychology is manifested in the character and temperament of the ethnos, its ethnos (the system of mental and moral norms, aesthetic ideas, etc.)

In the textbook Stefanenko T. G., the author reveals ethnopsychology as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge that studies the psychological characteristics of a person in the unity of the universal and culturally specific, and tries to convey to readers that ethnopsychological knowledge helps people from different social and cultural systems to understand each other, and therefore , contribute to the solution of the most important task facing humanity - the task of its survival.

This work is devoted to ethnic conflicts, which is very relevant in the modern world, because modern humanity is a rather complex ethnic system that includes several thousand different kinds of ethnic communities (nations, nationalities, tribes, ethnic groups, etc.). At the same time, they all differ from each other, both in their numbers and in the level of development. The unevenness of socio-economic, ethnic and demographic processes in the development of the peoples of the world was reflected in its own way in the political map of the world. All ethnic communities inhabiting the planet are part of a little more than 200 states. Therefore, most modern states are polyethnic. Polyethnicity is especially characteristic of developing countries. So, for example, several hundred ethnic communities of various types live in India alone, there are more than 150 of them in Indonesia, 200 peoples officially live in Nigeria, more than 70 in Kenya, etc.

All this diversity of the ethnic structure gives rise to various problems, contradictions, tensions, conflicts in relations between peoples. Some of them are protracted and have been going on for several decades (the Irish and the British in Ulster, the Flemings and Walloons in Belgium, the Anglo- and French Canadians in Canada), others have sharply aggravated in the last 10-15 years (the former republics of the USSR and Yugoslavia, a number of countries Africa). Almost all of them are interethnic. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, more than 70% of all military conflicts in the mid-1990s around the planet were inter-ethnic. Therefore, the problem of ethnic conflicts is one of the most important.

An ethnic conflict is understood as a social situation caused by a mismatch of interests and goals of individual ethnic groups within a single ethnic space or ethnic group (groups), on the one hand, and the state, on the other, at the intersection of ethnic and political space, expressed in the aspiration of an ethnic group ( groups) to change the existing ethnic inequalities or the political space in its territorial dimension.

The purpose of this work is to study the nature of ethnic conflicts.

characterize the concept of ethnic conflict;

classify ethnic conflicts;

consider the typology of ethnic conflicts;

identify the main causes of ethical conflicts;

determine the nature of ethnic conflicts.

Chapter 1. Basic concepts and causes of ethnic conflict

1 The concept of "interethnic tension".

The nature of any social conflict, including ethnic conflict, is always complex and contradictory, since it has a whole range of causes and conflict factors, explicit and latent (hidden) interests of the parties, certain stages of development and forms of confrontation. However, any ethnic conflict begins with ethnic tension, a special mental state of an ethnic community, which is formed in the process of reflection by the group ethnic consciousness of a set of unfavorable external conditions that infringe on the interests of the ethnos, destabilize its state and impede its development.

Like any living organism - and an ethnos is a biosocio-cultural formation - an ethnic community either opposes destructive actions or seeks forms of adaptation in order to weaken them. Therefore, the state of interethnic tension is not only the psychological background of the conflict, but also a way to mobilize the internal psychological resources of an ethnic group to protect its interests.

The degree of ethnic tension depends on the structure and content of interethnic communications, the specifics of the ethnic culture of interacting communities, and the historical nature of relations between them. These components find their existence in the form of ideas, opinions, beliefs, expressing attitudes towards the existing practice of interethnic relations in the state; in the form of ethno-cultural attitudes, behavioral models, as well as in the form of individual fragments of the historical memory of an ethnic group, including evaluative knowledge of historical events in the field of interethnic relations.

The history of interethnic relations is very important for the formation of interethnic tension. Historical memory captures national grievances and gratitude especially well. And rallies on historical topics contribute to the transfer of social tensions into interethnic ones. It is always more convenient to point out a historical enemy than to figure out who is to blame for the current situation of the people and, most importantly, what needs to be done to get out of it. The past in this case begins to be perceived through the prism of the present.

Ethnic tension, as a mass mental state, is based on emotional infection, mental suggestion and imitation.

Rumors rapidly circulating in the system of informal communications significantly stimulate the process of whipping up interethnic tension. A rumor is an inaccurate description of a real or fictional event that reflects the general mood in society, ethnic attitudes and stereotypes. It is very dangerous not to pay attention to rumors, because an information vacuum or distorted information in the media causes a new circle of rumors.

It should also be said that interethnic, as well as social, tension is characterized by such a borderline mental state as mass neuroticism, and on this basis, a fear of cultural assimilation and a sense of the need for ethnic consolidation develop. These states are characterized by increased emotional arousal, which causes various negative experiences: anxiety, massive national tension, anxiety, irritability, confusion, despair.

Such states cause wide negative emotions, the circle of irritants provoking negative reactions increases. So, the most ordinary, neutral words are perceived as aggressive, people seem less likeable, and so on. Relations between “us” and “them” are polarized even more sharply. One's own ethnic group is evaluated more positively, and others - more negatively. So, all successes are our internal merits, all failures are caused by external circumstances, and most importantly, by the intrigues of external enemies, which are automatically understood as other ethnic groups.

The tension of the conflict situation, the difficulty of information communication and the conviction of partners in mutual incompatibility create conditions for the formation of a state of aggressiveness in them. It is well known that such a mental state makes a person immune to rational behavior. Any action in such conditions causes a sharp response from the other side and eventually ends with a general confrontation of its participants. Therefore, an ethnic conflict is understood as a social situation caused by a mismatch of interests and goals of individual ethnic groups within a single ethnic space or ethnic group, on the one hand, and the state, on the other, expressed in the desire of an ethnic group to change its position in relations with other ethnic groups and state.

Interethnic tension and conflicts are generated not by the very fact of the existence of ethnic groups, but by the political, socio-economic and historical conditions and circumstances in which they live and develop. It is in these conditions that the main causes of interethnic conflicts are found. Accordingly, depending on the causes and goals, ethnic conflicts can be typological and systematized.

1.2 Causes of ethnic conflicts

At the heart of any ethnic conflict, as a rule, lies a whole group of reasons, among which one can single out the main and secondary ones. Most often, the main causes of ethnic conflicts are territorial disputes, migration and displacement, historical memory, the desire for self-determination, the struggle for material resources or their redistribution, claims to the power of national elites, competition between ethnic groups in the field of labor division, etc.

Territorial disputes. As noted earlier, in the modern world there are several thousand ethnic groups that live within the borders of more than 200 states. This means that most modern states are multi-ethnic. Their creation was most often accompanied by protracted conflicts and struggle for territories of residence. In our time, the process of gaining statehood by individual ethnic groups is actively developing, which inevitably entails claims on the territories of other ethnic groups or the rejection of part of the territories of other states. And since all large ethnic groups have long been territorially organized communities of people, any encroachment on the territory of another ethnic group is perceived as an attempt on its very existence. And a historical study of the issue of the causes of ethnic conflicts allows us to conclude that territorial disputes and claims are the most important among them.

Ethno-territorial conflicts imply a significant "reshaping" of the existing ethno-political space. As a rule, historical facts are used to substantiate this redrawing. As arguments and evidence, the belonging of a particular territory to a certain ethnic group in the past is substantiated. At the same time, each of the parties has, in their opinion, irrefutable historical evidence that secures precisely their right to own the disputed territory. The essence of the problem usually lies in the fact that as a result of numerous migrations of the population, conquests and other geopolitical processes, the territory of the settlement of an ethnic group in the past has repeatedly changed, just as the borders of states have changed. The era from which the ethnicity of the disputed territory is counted is chosen by the parties quite arbitrarily, depending on the goals of the disputing parties. Mutual deepening into history not only does not lead to the resolution of disputes, but, on the contrary, makes them more confusing and subjective. Due to their complexity, territorial disputes are practically insoluble, and the posing of these problems in the programs of political movements and individual leaders is most often the main sign of a brewing ethnic conflict.

The second group of ethno-territorial problems is related to the issue of creating independent territorial-state formations. The main part of the ethnic groups on the globe do not have their own independent national-state formations. As society democratizes and, as a result, the actual status of these ethnic groups, which do not have their own sovereign states, as well as the development of their economy and culture, movements often arise among them, with the goal of creating an independent national state. Such a movement can be especially influential if the ethnos already had statehood at a certain stage in its history and subsequently lost it. Such aspirations to change their state status are one of the most frequent causes of ethnic conflicts. Such conflicts include the Georgian-Abkhazian and Armenian-Azerbaijani conflicts.

The problem of territorial claims today dominates almost all the former republics of the USSR, among many of them there are disagreements about their borders. However, any claims of ethnic groups containing demands for a revision of existing borders are very painfully perceived by the titular ethnic groups and lead to a sharp escalation of interethnic tension. The modern history of Russia is a striking and convincing example in this respect. The territorial claims of some peoples and states to others, the demands for the redivision of borders cover most of the recently unified country, and many of these conflicts have a long history. Thus, over the past decade, five "ethnic" wars have been recorded in the territory of the former USSR - long-term ethnic armed conflicts and about 20 short-term armed clashes, accompanied by casualties among the civilian population. The approximate number of those killed in these conflicts is about 100 thousand people.

Fight for resources and property. The ecological situation and the availability of natural resources are also capable of influencing the state of interethnic relations, provoking their aggravation. Most often, this is expressed in the struggle of ethnic groups for the possession of material resources and property, among which the most valuable are land and subsoil. When such a dispute arises, each of the conflicting parties seeks to justify its “natural” right to use land and natural resources. In this case, such "resource" conflicts have a dead end, since the redistribution of property and resources leads to a conflict between the interests of local ethnic elites and the federal center. The desire for sovereignty is the form of such confrontation. An example of such a conflict is the Chechen war.

During the Soviet era, the ecological situation worsened significantly in many regions. Then, for the sake of economic expediency, the traditional system of nature management, and in particular land use, was destroyed, which directly changed the way of life of ethnic groups in many republics and regions. For example, the construction of the Karakum Canal first led to the shallowing of the largest rivers in this region - the Amudarya and Syrdarya, and then to the virtual disappearance of the Aral Sea. The development of oil and gas fields in Siberia not only destroyed the natural habitat of the peoples of the Far North and Siberia, but also led to a significant reduction in the number of deer, turned reindeer breeding into a loss-making branch of the economy. All this naturally stimulated ethnocentrifugal tendencies, national and regional separatism, and ethnic hostility towards Russians.

The desire to change the status of local elites. Status conflicts are aimed at changing the political status and scope of power of a particular ethnoterritorial autonomy and the ruling elite in it. Most often, ethnic conflicts of this kind arise in transitional societies, in which they represent an effective way to divert a social explosion into the mainstream of interethnic struggle. Historical practice convinces us that in the conditions of the crisis state of society, prerequisites are always formed for various kinds of economic, socio-political confrontations and conflicts, which entail the redistribution of power and resources. Ethnic conflicts of this type are based on the processes of modernization and intellectualization of peoples. The creation of an intellectual elite in ethnic communities leads to competition between the titular and main ethnic groups in prestigious activities. As a result of ideas about self-sufficiency and independence, representatives of the titular ethnic groups begin to claim prestigious and privileged places, including those in power.

Changing the division of labor system. As historical practice shows, in most multi-ethnic states, a system of division of labor between ethnic groups naturally develops. And since different spheres of the application of labor give different incomes, tacit competition naturally develops between them, a biased comparison of the labor contribution and remuneration for it. When there is a certain dependence between the spheres of work and ethnic communities, this competition is transferred to the ethnic groups themselves, resulting in tension in interethnic relations - the first sign of a brewing conflict.

In addition, some post-Soviet states have remained essentially traditional societies characterized by a weak division of labor, low levels of urbanization, labor-intensive industries with a high proportion of manual labor, strong family ties, relationships of personal dependency, low per capita income, and traditional norms and values. in culture. For these reasons, representatives of other ethnic groups, occupying an elite position in society and employed in management, economics and politics, arouse in the first a sense of ethnic hostility and involuntarily (by the very facts of their qualifications, level of education and income) become stimulants for inciting interethnic hatred. For the same reason, conflicts can also arise within one ethnic group, associated with the struggle of clans and sub-ethnic groups.

historical memory. An important determining factor in ethnic conflicts can be the historical memory of peoples, which retains traces of violent actions in the field of national politics, such as arbitrary changes in national borders, artificial dismemberment of ethnic communities, unjust national structure, forced resettlement of "labor force", deportation of peoples, etc. .

The modern variety of ethnic conflicts is caused not only by the reasons noted above. This list could easily be extended and deepened by selecting for analysis certain aspects of the formation and development of each specific conflict. In order to understand the causes of interethnic conflicts, it is necessary to take into account the specifics of each particular conflict, as well as take into account that the conflict situation may change during its escalation.

Chapter 2. Typology and classification of ethnic conflicts

1 Classification of ethnic conflicts.

There are several types of classifications of ethnic conflicts. The main types of conflicts:

political conflicts, when the struggle is for power, dominance, influence, authority;

socio-economic (or social in the narrow sense of the word) - “between labor and capital”, for example, between trade unions and employers;

ethnic - about the rights and interests of ethnic communities

One of the most significant are conflicts between ethnic communities. However, one can agree with V.A. Tishkov that ethnic conflicts in their “pure” form do not actually exist. In reality, we meet with interpenetrating conflicts, each of which provides a breeding ground for the other. It is no coincidence that even conflict experts often cannot come to a consensus on what kind of conflict they are dealing with - with ethnic in political camouflage or vice versa.

Researchers offer a variety of classifications of ethnic conflicts. When classified according to the goals set by the parties involved in the conflict in the struggle for limited resources, they can be divided into:

socio-economic, in which demands for civil equality are put forward (from citizenship rights to equal economic status):

cultural and linguistic, in which the requirements put forward The studies touch upon the problems of preserving or reviving the functions of the language and culture of an ethnic community;

political, if the ethnic minorities participating in them the majority achieve political rights (from the autonomy of localities governmental authorities to full-scale confederalism);

territorial - based on the requirements of changing borders, joining another - "related" to the cult tour-historical point of view - to the state or created new independent state

Sociologists, political scientists and ethnologists, seeking to distinguish conflict from other close phenomena, often consider it exclusively as a real struggle between groups, as a clash of incompatible actions. So, V.A. Tishkov defines “... an ethnic conflict as any form of civil, political or armed confrontation in which the parties, or one of the parties, mobilize, act suffer or suffer on the basis of ethnic differences”. With this understanding of the conflict, it turns out to be a stage of extreme aggravation of contradictions, manifested in conflict behavior, and has an exact start date - as the beginning of confrontation.

But from the point of view of a psychologist who takes into account the dynamics of the conflict, the very contradiction between groups that have incompatible goals in the struggle for limited resources (territory, power, prestige) turns out to be only one of the stages of the conflict - the stage that is usually called an objective conflict situation. As a matter of fact, almost everywhere on Earth there are contradictions between ethnic communities - inter-ethnic tension in the broadest sense of the word. Unfortunately, not a single multi-ethnic society can do without it. Most often, tension exists between the dominant ethnic community and the ethnic minority, but it can be either open, manifesting itself in the form of conflict actions, or hidden, smoldering.

In Russian literature, ethnic conflicts are analyzed in detail by V.A. Tishkov.

So, according to the form of manifestation, it is customary to distinguish between latent (hidden) and actualized (open) conflicts. Latent conflicts can exist for decades and develop into open conflicts only in certain social conditions. As a rule, latent conflicts do not directly threaten people's livelihoods, and it is in this form that conflicts are best resolved.

Interethnic conflicts can also be classified according to the nature of the actions of the conflicting parties (violent or non-violent). In turn, violent conflicts manifest themselves in the form of: regional wars, i.e. armed clashes involving regular troops and the use of heavy weapons; short-term armed clashes lasting several days and accompanied by casualties. Such clashes are also commonly called conflicts-riots, conflicts-pogroms.

Other conflicts in the form of their manifestation can be attributed to the unarmed. Among them, institutional forms of conflict stand out, when the norms of constitutions and legislation that realize the interests of the conflicting parties come into conflict. Another form of unarmed conflicts are rallies, demonstrations, hunger strikes, civil disobedience.

Each of these forms is distinguished by its actors, or the main subjects of the conflict. In the institutional form, the main actors are power structures, political parties and associations, social movements that implement their demands through the institutions of power.

With the manifesting form of conflict, the subject is already a significant mass of people, therefore this form of conflict is also called the conflict of "mass actions". In itself, the concept of "mass actions" is relative, but in conflict zones one can always clearly distinguish between the actions of individual groups and mass demonstrations.

If all forms of non-violent conflicts result in psychological tension, frustration (feeling of hopelessness) in ethnic groups, their resettlement, then violent conflicts are accompanied by victims, flows of refugees, forced deportations, forced resettlements.

Another type of classification of conflicts is according to the main goals put forward by the conflicting parties. In this case, status ethnic conflicts are singled out, which arise as a result of the desire of an ethnic community to increase its position (status) in the federal system. In essence, conflicts of this type come down to the struggle of ethnic groups for a confederate form of state structure. Ethnic movements for the creation of their national formations can also be attributed to the same type of conflicts. In the first case, an example of this kind of ethnic conflict was the desire of Tatarstan to rise to the level of the union republics, and in the second case, the movement of the Ingush for the creation of their own national-state formation, their own republic.

Such conflicts can be brought to a compromise by changing the system of government by redistributing power from the central government to the governing bodies of ethnoterritorial autonomies, while maintaining the original multi-ethnic society in a transformed form.

The ethnoterritorial type of ethnic conflict involves the claims and disputes of an ethnic group for the right to live in a particular territory, own or manage it. At the same time, the right of another ethnic group to live in the disputed territory is contested. Modern ethno-territorial conflicts, as a rule, are the result of ethnic repression and arise in the course of the rehabilitation process. Other conflicts of the ethno-territorial type arise in the course of the restoration of territorial autonomy (Volga Germans, Crimean Tatars) or the legal, social, cultural rehabilitation of an ethnic group (Greeks, Koreans, etc.).

This group of conflicts also includes conflicts caused by the desire of some ethnic groups to reunite with the neighboring "mother" or "related" state (Kosovo Albanians). Typically, such conflicts are the most difficult to resolve, since a compromise is usually impossible here, the conflict can either be suppressed by force or resolved by emigration (deportation) of the conflict-prone minority.

This group also includes socio-economic conflicts that arise on the basis of the requirement to equalize the standard of living among representatives of different ethnic groups, join the elite, or terminate benefits, subsidies and economic assistance to other peoples.

These conflicts can be brought to a compromise by redistributing power and economic resources while maintaining the original structure of society.

Cultural-linguistic conflicts arise on the basis of demands to assist efforts to preserve or revive the language and culture of an ethnic minority in private or public life. A compromise is also possible here by changing the cultural and language policy while maintaining the original society or by recognizing the territorial autonomy of ethnic minorities.

2 Typology of ethnic conflicts

The 90s of the XX century became a new stage in the ethnic development of mankind. Ethno-nationalism, previously held back by the force of totalitarian regimes, gained freedom during the period of perestroika and glasnost and took shape in the form of the phenomenon of an “ethnic explosion”, which marked the beginning of a new stage in the development of a number of states. Totalitarian regimes could not solve ethnic problems because the very basis of such a regime does not tolerate diversity; therefore, unification is achieved by the deportation of peoples or by the policy of genocide and ethnocide.

For this reason, the transition from a totalitarian regime to a democratic system is most often accompanied by an aggravation of interethnic relations, and in some countries leads to conflicts. Despite the fact that the nature of interethnic relations in each individual society has its own specifics and is determined by the characteristics of the development and interaction of specific ethnic groups of a given society, in almost all ethnic conflicts one can distinguish common phases of their maturation and development. Typology based on the content of conflicts, the target aspirations of the conflicting parties is currently the most relevant and widespread. Within the framework of this typology, there are conflicts with the widest range of goals: from ethnopolitical to ethnoterritorial.

An analysis of various types of ethnic conflicts and forms of their manifestation within the boundaries of the post-Soviet space served as some scientific basis for creating another typology of interethnic conflicts. E.A. Pain and A.A. Popov proposed to divide ethnic conflicts into three categories:

) conflicts of stereotypes;

) conflicts of ideas;

) action conflicts.

The first type of this classification implies such a nature of the conflict, when the conflicting ethnic groups are not yet clearly aware of the reasons for the contradictions, but in relation to the opponent they create a negative image of an “unfriendly neighbor”, an “undesirable group”. This was the beginning of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict.

A characteristic feature of the second type of this classification is the advancement of certain claims. In this case, in the mass media, in literature and other means of communication, the “historical right” of any ethnic group to independent statehood or to the territory of another ethnic group begins to be substantiated.

The third type of conflict according to this classification - the conflict of actions - means holding rallies, demonstrations, pickets, open clashes with their opponents and authorities.

This typology, like all others, is rather arbitrary, since any ethnic conflict simultaneously combines several causes, goals and forms. Therefore, for its accurate assessment, it is necessary not only to establish its main causes, but also to determine the whole variety of its constituent factors.

It is also possible to classify ethnic conflicts according to the characteristics of the opposing sides. In this case, conflicts between an ethnic group and the state (Abkhazia and Nagorno-Karabakh before the creation of self-proclaimed states) and conflicts between ethnic groups (pogroms of Meskhetian Turks in Ferghana, a conflict between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in the Osh region) are highlighted.

The well-known ethnologist D. Horowitz proposed his classification. It is based on the specifics of the ratio of the relative levels of economic development and social modernization of the separatist regions and ethnic groups compared to the average for the state as a whole and for the dominant majority of its population in particular. From this point of view, four variants of conflicts are possible:

) separatism of a backward ethnic group in a backward region of the country;

) separatism of a backward ethnic group in a developed region of the country;

) separatism of a developed ethnic group in a backward region;

) separatism of a developed ethnic group in a developed region of the country.

3 Stages of ethnic conflict

Any ethnic conflict has a stage dynamics of development (a gradual increase in the degree of tension), which looks like this.

During the period of the emergence of a conflict situation, demands are put forward to increase the role of the language of the indigenous population of the region, national movements turn to traditions, customs, folk culture, ethno-national symbols, which in their totality are opposed to similar phenomena of an "alien" culture. This stage can be called value-symbolic.

Further, the maturation of a conflict situation is characterized by a desire to redistribute power in favor of one ethnic group at the expense of other groups, change the ethnic hierarchy, raise the ethnic status of indigenous people, etc. At this status stage of the conflict, ethnicity finds its expression in the form of ethno-national interests and becomes for the local elite an instrument of pressure on the central government in order to reorganize the existing ethno-political space in their favor.

And finally, the next stage can bring the development of the conflict to the nomination of either territorial claims within the framework of a given ethnological state, or claims to create a new ethno-national statehood, to change the territorial boundaries of the existing political space. At this stage, an ethnic group may resort to forceful actions in order to back up its claims by force of arms.

Each of the noted stages of the development of the conflict is characterized, in turn, by the corresponding state, types and forms of practical relations between ethnic groups. So, for the first stage, the state of interethnic alienation becomes the main one. This is manifested in the desire for ethnically homogeneous marriages, for mono-ethnic communication, for minimizing contacts with a foreign ethnic environment, with the exception of the inevitable - professional or domestic. In other words, we are talking about increasing the socio-cultural distance. At the same time, alienation is intensified by the cultural differences of ethnic groups, their dissimilar stereotypes of behavior.

As the conflict situation develops, the state of alienation develops into a state of ethnic hostility, in which shortcomings, miscalculations, mistakes in the spheres of culture, economics, and politics are extrapolated to the corresponding ethnic community. The state of hostility, under appropriate conditions and circumstances, can quickly lead to violent actions, which in ordinary consciousness are most often regarded as a conflict proper. In this case, ethnic conflict becomes a form of political action and a means to achieve political goals. At the same time, any ethnic conflict is one of the varieties of social conflicts along with religious, racial, interstate ones. In general, an ethnic conflict is understood as a dynamically changing situation, generated by the rejection of the previously established state of affairs by a significant part of the representatives of one (several) of the local ethnic groups, and therefore one can speak of an ethnic conflict as a real phenomenon when a national movement or a party that aims to ensure the national interests of a certain people and, in order to achieve this goal, seek to change the existing and previously tolerable or habitual situation in the cultural, linguistic, socio-economic or political sphere of life. Ethnic conflict is always a political phenomenon, because even if the initiators of change seek to change the situation only in the cultural-linguistic or socio-economic field, they can achieve their goals only by acquiring certain powers.

4 Examples of ethnic conflicts

In the modern world, unfortunately, ethnic confrontations take place. They are characterized by a certain degree of political influence, the creation of social movements, the confrontation of the parties with the help of mass chaos and disorder, separatist actions and even wars. Many researchers of the issue of ethnic and national strife note the main characteristic feature of the phenomenon - intractability. The lion's share of national problems is of a religious-territorial nature.

Aggravation of situations is observed during periods of economic downturns and political instability, both between countries and within certain states. An illustrative example of ethnic conflicts can be the CIS countries after the collapse of the USSR: Moldova and Transnistria, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Abkhazia, Georgia and Karabakh, Tajikistan (Uzbekistan) and Afghanistan. Some Eastern European countries, after the fall of the world socialist system, found themselves in the center of ethnic confrontations. ethnic conflict tension

The Balkans is one of the most unstable regions of the planet, where the fire of interethnic hostility periodically flares up with renewed vigor. It is worth recalling the Yugoslav crisis, the problems of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The interest of most major powers is concentrated here, even including the geographically distant United States and China. Most of these conflicts are related to status and territorial claims, and, as the outcome of many showed, fixing part of the territory to an ethnic minority can lead to its isolation.

World history is rich in examples of hundreds of ethnic conflicts: between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and Corsica. In recent years, the problem of the Basques in Spain, the Kurds in Turkey, and the recent conflict in Greece is indicative. In African countries, destabilization often occurs due to the mismatch of interests of ethnic communities.

Termination of national confrontations is a very problematic task, since it is impossible to carry out a complete neutralization of political and economic factors in practice. However, the state and global policy of tolerance and the ability to conduct dialogues in many cases will help prevent the emergence of acute conflicts or smooth out their course.

Conclusion

Ethnos is a historically established type of stable association of people. Confrontation of interests and interethnic conflicts have existed since time immemorial, and this was due to the presence of tough cultural and social integration processes. In the ancient community, everything that was outside the boundaries of the community was perceived as something alien, carrying a potential danger to members of a certain ethnic group, which means it was subject to destruction.

Under the ethnic conflict in the broad sense of the word Stefanenko T.G. understands any competition between groups - from the real th confrontation for the possession of limited resources to social competition - in all those cases when, in the perception if at least one of the parties, the opposing side is determined from the point of view of the ethnicity of its members.

The problem of ethnic conflicts over the past decades has been one of the most pressing topics for researchers representing various fields of science. The main reason for attention to this issue lies in the difficulty of resolving such conflicts, which, moreover, have become one of the most common sources of social contradictions and political instability. Most of the current conflicts can be identified as ethno-religious-territorial. These are the Kosovo, Basque, Ulster, Karabakh, Georgian-Abkhaz crises and so on. A huge number of ethnic conflicts continue to destabilize the situation in Africa and Latin America.

For the Russian Federation, this problem is also serious. One can already say that one of the conflicts that unfolded on the territory of Russia - the Chechen war, which is based, among other things, on the ethnic component - is one of the largest political events of the late 20th century. The extreme severity of the conflict, the increased interest of the world community in the events unfolding on the territory of Chechnya, the wave of religious and national uprisings in the entire North Caucasus region, which was spurred on by the war in the Chechen Republic, can serve as arguments in favor of the justice of the latter provision.

The events of recent years have shown that ethnic conflicts in various parts of the world go beyond the boundaries of intrastate and even regional ones. This is of particular importance due to the fact that the regions of ethnic instability are increasingly associated in both periodical and scientific literature with potential subjects of international terrorism.

The main reasons for the emergence of ethnic conflict can be called:

Territorial disputes

Fight for resources and property

The desire to change the status of local elites.

Changing the division of labor system

historical memory

The main classification of ethnic conflicts:

territorial;

political;

ethnic (cultural and linguistic);

socio-economic.

In general, the emergence of any ethnic conflict is due to the existence of one form or another of inequality among ethnic groups. Therefore, the settlement of ethnic conflicts requires finding a new, compromise and acceptable balance for all conflicting parties, mutually satisfying their interests. To achieve this balance, three essential conditions must be met.

First, each of the parties to the conflict must recognize the existence of a conflict situation. Thus, the right to exist is recognized for each party to the conflict, but this does not at all mean recognition of the justice of their demands and claims. The settlement of the conflict is impossible and useless if one of the parties declares that its opponent has no right to exist, and his position is devoid of any grounds.

Secondly, a prerequisite in resolving the conflict is the degree of organization of the parties: the better they are organized, the easier it is to reach an agreement and enforce the terms of the contract. And vice versa, the diffuse nature of interests, their vagueness significantly complicates the resolution of the conflict situation.

And thirdly, the conflicting parties must accept firmly established rules of the game, under which only the negotiation process is possible. These rules should provide equal opportunities for each of the parties to provide some balance in their relationship.

Bibliography

) Boronoev A.O., Pavlenko V.N. Ethnic psychology. St. Petersburg: Publishing House of St. Petersburg University, 1994. - 168 p.

) Drobizheva L.M. Ethnopolitical conflicts: Causes and typology // Russia today: the difficult search for freedom. - M., 1998.-182 p.

) Zerkin D.P. Fundamentals of conflictology. Lecture course. (Series "Textbooks and teaching aids"). Rostov-n / D: "Phoenix", 2010. - 480 p.

) Lebedeva M.M. Political settlement of conflicts. M.: Aspect Press, 1999. - 271 p.

) Lebon G. Psychology of peoples and masses. - M.: AST, 2000. - 124 p. (electronic version)

) Mukomel V. I. Armed interethnic and regional conflicts: human losses, economic damage and social consequences // Identity and conflict in post-Soviet states. - M., 1997

) A new dictionary of methodological terms and concepts (theory and practice of teaching languages). - M.: Publishing house IKAR. E. G. Azimov, A. N. Schukin. 2009.

) Sadokhin A.P., Grushevitskaya T.G. Ethnology: Textbook for students. higher textbook establishments. - M.: Publishing Center "Academy"; Higher school, 2012. - 304 p.

) Sikevich Z.V. Sociology and psychology of interethnic relations. S.-Pb. 2008. - 155 p.

) Soldatova G.U. Psychology of interethnic tension. M.: Meaning, 1998. - 389 p.

) Stefanenko T.G. Ethnopsychology. - M.: Aspect Press, 2013. - 320 p.

) Tishkov V.A. Essays on the theory and politics of ethnicity in Russia. M., 2004. - 480 p.

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August 2005

Conflict

Chechen settlers broke a monument at the grave of Eduard Kokmadzhiev, a Kalmyk conscript who died during the Chechen campaign. The vandals received suspended sentences. Dissatisfied with the verdict, the Kalmyk community demanded the eviction of all Chechens, which led to a series of brawls. During one of them, 24-year-old Kalmyk Nikolai Boldarev was shot dead.

Reaction

After the funeral of Boldarev, a spontaneous procession took place, in which up to a thousand people took part. Kalmyks from neighboring settlements began to come to the village. Six houses where Chechen families lived were burned down. To prevent unrest, special forces of the Federal Penitentiary Service, a company of internal troops and a company of marines were brought into Yandyki.

Effects

On the one hand, Kalmyk Anatoly Bagiev was sentenced to seven years for participation in pogroms and calls to disobey the authorities. On the other hand, 12 Chechen IDPs were convicted of hooliganism with the use of weapons.

Kondopoga, Republic of Karelia.

September 2006 of the year

Conflict

In the Chaika restaurant, local residents Sergei Mozgalev and Yuri Pliev quarreled with the waiter Mamedov, and then beat him. The waiter, an Azerbaijani by nationality, called for help Chechen acquaintances who "roofed" the restaurant. Those who didn't catch Mammadov's offenders started a fight with other visitors. Two people died from stab wounds.

Reaction

The fight led first to a rally, which was attended by about two thousand people, and then to pogroms. The locals demanded the eviction of the Caucasians, who allegedly regularly terrorized the indigenous townspeople. Alexander Potkin, head of the DPNI, arrived in the city. "The Seagull" was stoned and set on fire.

Effects

The heads of the republican prosecutor's office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB have been dismissed. Mozgalev was sentenced to 3.5 years in prison, Pliev - to 8 months. Six Chechens were also convicted, one of whom, Islam Magomadov, received 22 years for a double murder.

Sagra, Sverdlovsk region.

July 2011

Conflict

After the house of one of the residents of the village of Sagra was robbed, the suspicion of the villagers fell on the coven workers who worked for the local gypsy Sergei Krasnoperov. He was demanded to return the stolen goods and leave the village. He threatened that he would turn to his Azerbaijani acquaintances.

Reaction

A couple of days later, armed accomplices of Krasnoperov entered the village, who, however, were stopped by an ambush set ahead of time. One of the attackers was killed.

Effects

Initially, local law enforcement agencies tried to qualify the incident as a “drunken fight”, but soon, through the efforts of the City Without Drugs Foundation, the events in Sagra acquired an all-Russian resonance. The court sentenced six of the 23 participants in the attack to real terms - from one and a half to six years in prison.

Demyanovo, Kirov region.

June 2012 of the year

Conflict

Nukh Kuratmagomedov, the head of the Dagestan diaspora in the village of Demyanovo, did not allow local youth to rest in his cafe: the working day was over. The offended villagers beat two Dagestanis, including Kuratmagomedov's nephew. Then the merchant gathered fellow countrymen. During the mass brawl, the Dagestanis used traumatic weapons.

Reaction

To prevent a further escalation of events, reinforced police detachments were deployed in Dmyanovo. The governor of the region, Nikita Belykh, arrived in the village by helicopter, who, however, was asked questions not only about ethnic relations, but also about the sad state of the local hospital.

Effects

The head of the village and the head of the district resigned. The only defendant in the case of the mass conflict in Demyanov, Vladimir Burakov, received a year of probation for "hitting a police officer's shield."

Nevinnomyssk, Stavropol Territory

December 2012

Conflict

In the Zodiac club, a native of the village of Barsukovskaya, Nikolai Naumenko, had a fight with two Slavic girls. They came to the aid of a native of Urus-Martan Chechen Viskhan Akaev. During the "argument" Akayev stabbed his opponent. Naumenko died from blood loss.

Reaction

After what happened in Nevinnomyssk and other cities of the region, several protest actions were held under the general slogan: "Stavropol is not the Caucasus." Local nationalist leaders and metropolitan nationalists were noted in the actions.

Effects

Akaev was found with distant relatives in Grozny, arrested and taken to the Stavropol Territory.

According to the form of manifestation, it is customary to distinguish latent(hidden) and updated(open) conflicts. Latent conflicts can exist for decades or more and develop into open ones only in certain social conditions. Latent conflicts do not directly pose a threat to human life, and it is in this form that conflicts are best resolved.

Interethnic conflicts can also be classified according to the nature of the actions of the conflicting parties: violent or non-violent. H violent conflicts manifest themselves in the form of: regional wars, i.e. armed clashes involving regular troops and the use of heavy weapons; short-term armed clashes lasting several days and accompanied by casualties. Such clashes are also commonly called conflicts-riots, conflicts-pogroms.

Other conflicts in the form of their manifestation can be attributed to unarmed. Among them, institutional forms of conflict stand out, when the norms of constitutions and legislation that realize the interests of the conflicting parties come into conflict. Another form of unarmed conflicts are rallies, demonstrations, hunger strikes, civil disobedience.

With a manifesting form of conflict, the subject is already a significant mass of people, therefore this form of conflict is also called the conflict of "mass actions".

Another type of classification of conflicts is according to the main goals put forward by the conflicting parties. In this case, stand out status ethnic conflicts that arise as a result of the desire of an ethnic community to improve its position (status) in the federal system. In essence, conflicts of this type come down to the struggle of ethnic groups for a confederal form of state structure. Ethnic movements for the creation of their national formations can also be attributed to the same type of conflicts. In the first case, an example of this kind of ethnic conflict was the desire of Tatarstan to rise to the level of the union republics, and in the second case, the movement of the Ingush for the creation of their own national-state formation, their own republic.

Ethnoterritorial the type of ethnic conflict involves the claims and disputes of an ethnic group for the right to live in a particular territory, own or manage it. At the same time, the right of another ethnic group to live in the disputed territory is contested. Modern ethno-territorial conflicts, as a rule, are the result of ethnic repression and arise in the course of the rehabilitation process. Other conflicts of the ethno-territorial type arise in the course of the restoration of territorial autonomy (Volga Germans, Crimean Tatars) or the legal, social, cultural rehabilitation of an ethnic group (Greeks, Koreans, etc.).

Cultural and linguistic conflicts arise on the basis of demands to assist efforts to preserve or revive the language and culture of an ethnic minority in private or public life. A compromise is also possible here by changing the cultural and language policy while maintaining the original society or by recognizing the territorial autonomy of ethnic minorities.

26. Ways and means of resolving interethnic conflicts

International aspects of ethnic and ethnopolitical conflicts have become the object of close study only in the last two decades. Let's highlight the most significant problems. Firstly, this is the problem of bilateral relations between neighboring states that have an ethnic minority related to the titular majority in a neighboring country. Ethnic conflicts lead to a deterioration in relations between such states. There are many examples of this kind. These are also the relations between Armenia-Azeybarjan, Bulgaria-Turkey, Hungary-Romania, Russia and Azerbaijan. Secondly, this is the use by a third party of a situation associated with an internal ethnic conflict to weaken a potential or actual enemy. Suffice it to recall how the US used the Kurdish problem to overthrow Saddam Hussein. Thirdly, it is the influence of globalization processes on the dynamics of interethnic tension. Globalization, on the one hand, directly leads to the actualization of ethnic identity. Globalization has made it impossible to isolate ethnic conflicts by state borders. Fourth, internal ethnopolitical conflicts are actively used in the struggle for spheres of influence in the international arena. The economic component plays an important role here, including the problem of fuel resources.

EXAMPLESinterethnic conflicts

At present, there are four territories left in the post-Soviet space where armed ethnic conflicts were not settled (with varying degrees of finality), but “frozen”. We are talking about Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria and South Ossetia. At first glance, the situation that has developed there is similar to that in Kosovo, but this analogy is purely formal. Unlike Kosovo, none of the self-proclaimed post-Soviet states is under the protection of the UN, does not attract increased attention of the leading states of the world and international organizations, and only some representatives of the political and military elite of Russia are ready to recognize their independence. The position of these states is rather similar to the position of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which is officially recognized only by Turkey5. True, there are some nuances here too: if the Cypriots have the opportunity to deal with the settlement of the contradictions existing between them within the framework of the European Union, then the self-proclaimed states of the post-Soviet space and their former metropolises simply do not have such a supranational structure.

Russian policy towards the CIS has recently undergone significant changes that reflect the objective diversification of the post-Soviet space. The Russian Federation seeks to increase its influence in the region, to prevent various kinds of "color revolutions", to win competition with Western countries. To date, there are at least two effective organizations operating within the CIS - the CSTO and the Eurasian Economic Union. All CSTO members can now buy Russian weapons at domestic prices, which is important for the effective functioning of the unified security system of these states.

Ways to resolve the Yugoslav crisis

At present, there are no open hostilities in the Balkans, but all the same, just one small spark is enough to ignite a great fire of enmity between these Balkan peoples. The UN considered and then adopted offer package(also called plan) for a political settlement of the Bosnian crisis Co-Chairs of the Coordinating Committee of the London Conference on the Former Yugoslavia S. Vance and D. Owen. It has four main elements: the cessation of hostilities, the principles of the constitutional order, the map of the districts and the establishment of an interim government. But even after the division of the SFRY into several separate countries, we see that the contradictions between the peoples still remain.

Ways to resolve the Chechen crisis

Since 1994, two approaches to the solution of the Chechen conflict have taken shape in the political leadership of the country: the first is a “military victory”, which, according to its supporters, is hindered by political circumstances - orders to cease hostilities at a time when “victory is close” and, allegedly, conditions are being created for the complete “destruction of the militants”; the second approach leans towards a "settlement" through negotiation and a political decision instead of a military one.

The alternation of these two approaches, the inconsistent implementation of both the first and the second creates a real prospect of "freezing" the Chechen conflict, since each of them is based on diametrically opposed strategies for "managing" the conflict.

Internationalization of ethnic conflicts.

Firstly, the conflict, having arisen as an internal one, sometimes develops into an international one due to the involvement of a wider range of participants and going beyond the borders of the state. Many regional and local conflicts of the second half of the 20th century (suffice it to recall Vietnam and Afghanistan) can serve as examples of the expansion of the conflict through new participants, when the intervention of such major powers as the USA and the USSR turned them into a serious international problem. However, new participants may be involved in the conflict involuntarily, for example, due to the influx of a huge number of refugees to them. This problem was faced, in particular, by European countries during the Yugoslav conflict. Another option for involving other countries in an internal conflict is possible if the conflict remains internal, but, for example, citizens of other states turn out to be in it as hostages or victims. Then the conflict takes on an international dimension.

Secondly, the conflict from the internal can become international as a result of the disintegration of the country. The development of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh shows how this is happening. At the time of its emergence in the Soviet Union, this conflict was internal. Its essence was to determine the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, which was part of the territory of Azerbaijan, but the majority of the population of which were Armenians. After the collapse of the USSR and the formation of independent states in its place - Armenia and Azerbaijan - the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh turned into a conflict between two states, i.e. international.

Thirdly Involvement in the process of resolving internal conflicts of mediators from third countries, as well as mediators acting on behalf of an international organization or in their personal capacity (i.e., not representing any particular country or organization), is becoming the norm in the modern world. An example is the conflict in Chechnya, in which representatives of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) acted as a mediator. The involvement of international mediators can also lead to the fact that the distinctions between internal and international conflicts become less and less clear, and the boundaries between these two types of conflicts are blurred, i.e. conflicts are internationalized.

28. Globalization and the future of nation states.

There is a widespread belief that globalization is leading to the loss of political power and influence by nation states. The capabilities of the nation-state are undermined by such manifestations of transnationality and globalism as: the formation of international financial markets, the internationalization of business and capital, the emergence of global open information networks, the self-determination of new nations, the sharply increased mobility of the population, the indivisible nature of many security threats, global problems of our time, etc. d.

A paradoxical situation arises: globalization at the same time increases the requirements for the policy of the nation state and narrows its possibilities. The key problem is the weak managerial capacity of the state. At the same time, never before has capital been freed to such an extent from social responsibility and obligations to society and the state. Thus, the law of profit undermines the foundations of the nation-state, which, in turn, is forced to constantly engage in "economic policy", but the nation-state is also the basis for the existence of liberal democracy. As a result, problems multiply and the ability of national institutions to cope with them shrinks. Privatization is a universal tool by which the state is ousted from the most important spheres of society. The combination of privatization and commercialization, which is the real mechanism of the process of economic globalization, as a result, leads not only to the "weakening" of the nation state, but also to the destruction of the established institutions of civil society. Privatization leads, ultimately, to the fact that the private interests of citizens are crowding out the general interests of civil society to the periphery. Thus, the main conflict at the turn of the millennium was the clash between the disintegration and decline in the effectiveness and democracy of nation states (and the entire international system of states) and growing economic, cultural and political globalization. However, globalization does not mean that nation states disappear or become less important. Rather, it requires them to transform their role in light of irreversible technological realities. Therefore, it is critical to determine how states, international institutions, and corporations must adjust to the range of challenges posed by globalization, including the emergence of ever faster and potentially explosive financial flows, emerging transnationalism, and increasing inequalities between rich and poor, both domestically and internationally. . “The problem is not the weakening of the nation-state itself, but rather that so far very little has been done to fill the resulting power vacuum.”

29. Ethnopolitics.

National policy is the policy of ensuring the national interests of the state and all its citizens, carried out both within this state and in the international arena. Therefore, it is not entirely correct to apply the term “national” to the actions of the state in relation to ethnic groups; the term “ethnopolitics” would still be more accurate. At the same time, researchers of national problems rightly point out that it is hardly possible to create a single national policy acceptable to all in multinational countries, no matter what ideals of universal equality are laid down in it. In practice, the interests of ethnic communities and groups will still collide or even oppose each other.

Ethnopolitics is, in essence, determining the balance of interests between dominant ethnic groups and national minorities living in a particular state. In other words, ethnopolitics is the consistent state regulation of the collective rights of ethnic communities in the territories of their historical residence and the institutionalization of this regulation through the adoption of relevant legislative acts and the creation of state bodies responsible for the ethnic component of the state's domestic policy.

The essence of ethnopolitics should be to coordinate the efforts of all state bodies in solving the problems of ethnic communities, in organizing their dialogue with the authorities, in a positive intercommunal dialogue, in coordinating the actions of all interested parties in resolving ethnopolitical and ethnic conflicts.

It is the role of a coordinator and observer of ethnopolitical processes, of the actions of various government departments, that is fundamentally significant today from the point of view of observing state interests and based on the need to optimize interethnic relations.

To fulfill this mission, according to a number of domestic scientists, in Russia it is necessary to introduce the position of Commissioner or Commissioner for Peoples' Rights, for which it is necessary to adopt the Federal Law "On the Commissioner (Ombudsman) for Peoples' Rights", the draft of which has already been proposed by specialists.

Thus, it is obvious that ethnopolitics should be a synthesis of the efforts of various government departments to achieve a common goal - to optimize the position of ethnic communities and balance their interests in federal and regional policy.

And whatever definition is adopted when clarifying the essence of ethnopolitics, it is obvious that in any case we will talk about ways to involve ethnic communities and groups in state policy and in different strategies of their behavior.

30. National policy of the state: goals, directions, means.

31. National interests and values as an object of security

Safety is a state of security vital interests individuals, society and the state from internal and external threats.

Under vital interests(in this case, national) is understood as a set of needs, the satisfaction of which reliably ensures the existence and possibilities for the progressive development of the individual, society and the state.

Security threat(the interests of the individual, society and the state) is an encroachment on the interest. Threats to interests exist in every sphere of life. They lurk outside and inside the individual, society and the state. So, for example, the moral decline of the individual and society multiplies the threat of people losing their ideas about goodness, goodness and truth, which in turn affects spiritual values as an integral part of national values.

To the main security facilities The law relates: personality - its rights and freedoms; society - its material and spiritual values; as well as the state - its constitutional system, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

national interest(both internal and external) cannot remain eternal and unchanged. As the objective reality around the country and in the world changes, the content of national interests and the strategy of the state's practical activities to ensure these interests change. However, fundamental national interests, such as the preservation of sovereignty, territorial integrity, ensuring the security of the state, and hence the nation, remain constant.

32.Ethnopolitical problems of modern Russia.

ethnic issues often act as a factor that has a decisive impact on political processes (the distribution of power, power, their legitimization, the nature of the state structure, the political regime, the institutions of the political system).

Ethnopolitical; the problems of modern Russia are in many respects similar to those that were in the last 2-3 years of the existence of the USSR. Briefly, the following areas can be distinguished:

Russia is unique in ethno-national terms. Here live peoples that differ significantly in their numbers. So, out of more than 120 peoples inhabiting it, only such nations as Russians, Tatars, Chuvashs, Bashkirs and Mordovians number over a million people. At the same time, the number of 26 peoples of the North is only 181 thousand people. In many republics that are part of the Russian Federation, the titular population is a minority. Of the 21 republics, only in five the titular population exceeds 50%: Chuvashs (69%), Tuvans (64%), Komi-Permyaks (60%), Chechens (58%), Ossetians (53%). In the rest of the republics of Russia, taken together, the titular population is 32%, and in the autonomies - 10.3%. A feature of Russia is the dispersed (scattered) residence of many peoples. For example, Tatars in Tatarstan make up only 30%. Hence the problems of assimilation, forgetfulness of the native language, loss of national identity, etc.

In some republics, 2 titular ethnic groups (Karachay-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria), in Dagestan - up to 10 ethnoi are titular.

The politicization of ethnic problems, when the complexities of an economic and social nature take on the appearance of national ones;

Separatist disintegration tendencies, manifested in the desire to put the interests of the subjects of the federation above the national ones;

Privileges of “titular” nationality compared to other residents (for example, Russians in Mordovia make up 60.8% of the population, and among deputies of the State Assembly - 39%; in Tuva, Russians - 32% of the population, and in Narodny Khural - 12.5%) ;

The actual inequality of the statuses of the subjects of the Federation: national-state formations have an advantage over territorial-administrative ones;

Russia is a multi-confessional country, in which, in addition to the main confessions (Orthodox Christianity and Islam), there are dozens of other religious associations. The interweaving of religious and ethnic creates conditions for the deepening of inter-ethnic conflicts, since they often use the religious factor.

The Russian question arose, which consists both in lowering the viability of the Russian ethnos, as evidenced by the egregious facts of its degradation and extinction, social and cultural decline, the destruction of spiritual foundations, and in the deterioration of attitudes towards Russians from other peoples of Russia. This is due to both miscalculations in national politics and the rise of local nationalism. As a result, the position of the Russians in certain regions (in the North Caucasus, Tatarstan, Yakutia, etc.) became much more difficult.

So, Russia is a country in which the role of political factors in the development of ethnic groups has always been great. In world humanity, it remains a state that has preserved ethnic communities of people. In its political history, rich in content, there has been progress, the rapid development of nations, there have been and still are many problems.

33. Theory and practice of ethno-cultural interaction

All modern theories of ethnic interaction proceed from the inevitable conflict between traditional and modernized society and fit into two main directions: cultural, based on the opposition of a traditional ethnic community modernized in the sphere of spiritual culture; structural, investigating the conflict of these societies in the sphere of economy and socio-economic relations. Cultural direction spawned concepts acculturation and mobilization, structural- integrated and internal colonialism. The concept of acculturation was developed in the 1930s. R. Redfield, R. Linton, M. Hsrskovitz. Acculturation in ethnology is understood as a process during which one ethnic group, entering into prolonged and direct contact with another group that is culturally different from it, changes its original cultural model. Sometimes acculturation is carried out in the form of mutual selective assimilation of cultural elements of both interacting ethnic groups. The authors of the concept (read that the result of acculturation is a state of ethnic homogeneity. Cultural differences between ethnic communities are eventually equalized (an automatic process, inevitable and inevitable) in accordance with the relative weight of the interacting ethnic groups. Diffusion of culture goes from the core to the periphery, from from a more developed society to a less developed one, often at the level of unconscious borrowing and imitation, like a process of physical osmosis.At the level of an individual of a peripheral ethnic community, the choice is already made consciously: if you give him a choice between tradition and innovation, he is more likely to choose the latter ( this is the opinion of the authors of the concept of acculturation qi.) Thus, if a wide range of interaction between peripheral and dominant communities is provided, time itself will work for the gradual integration of both ethnic groups. Mobilization concepts consider the problems of inter-ethnic interactions within multi-ethnic states, where politics is aimed primarily at strengthening these states. These concepts attach a great role to the activities of the central government but to the planting of what is often called a national political culture, the most effective means of ensuring the process of ethnic consolidation. Supporters of the concepts of mobilization note that constant cultural interaction between ethnic communities is not enough to achieve national integration. Therefore, the administration with all its apparatus of power must persuade inert, traditionally closed groups to accept the dominant culture (the theory is based on the concept of M. Weber). Some concepts of mobilization assign a special role to the joint participation of the interethnic elite in the management of politics, the economy, and culture. It is believed that such joint management develops among the ethnic elites mutual adaptation and mutual understanding, which then seeps to the level of the masses. These so-called functional concepts of mobilization imply the ability of an ethnic elite to influence the rank and file members of its group with equal effectiveness, although in fact the results of this infiltration are quite different for each ethnic community. Integration concepts arise because cultural factors alone cannot explain the course of ethnic processes, especially in developed countries, where, it would seem, there are all conditions for targeted acculturation and cultural adaptation, carried out through propaganda and information methods of social mobilization. Nevertheless, ethnic traditionalism in the developed industrial countries persists, and ethnic separatism even increases. Therefore, scientists are increasingly paying attention to the socio-economic factors of the processes of interethnic communication. Therefore, part of the problems of ethnic integration (Catalonia and Andalusia in Spain, Quebec in Canada, the Walloons in Belgium) comes down to the means and goals of national development and to the economic integration of the whole society: it is necessary to include the ethnic community in the state system of commercial relations (although the process of restructuring itself economy is very painful) and after reaching equilibrium, conditions for cultural integration will arise. The concepts of structural integration are applicable to certain ethnic processes and situations, but they cannot be considered universal. An ethnic group can be fully integrated into the socio-economic system, but at the same time actively participate in separatist movements (Scots and Welsh in England; Corsicans and Bretons in France).

Concepts of internal colonialism reflect another facet of the modern world. If the concepts of integration are more suitable for developed industrial countries, then in developing countries interethnic processes are well explained by the concepts of internal colonialism. The mechanism of cultural colonization is quite simple. You can talk about it whenever representatives of another culture, due to various reasons (for example, numerical technical, military superiority) found themselves in foreign territory, begin to actively impose their cultural values, norms and behaviors. It should be noted that in this context, the term "colonization" itself does not carry any political or evaluative meaning, but is simply a description of a certain type of interaction between various ethno-cultural systems. Speaking of cultural colonization, it must be borne in mind that it can be carried out in various forms: political, economic, etc.

34.Mechanisms for regulating national representation in the power structures of the state

35. Ethnic Issues in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation.

In general, the question itself is tricky, since the concept of foreign policy is written by very competent people who are trained to do this, and finding some snags requires sufficient experience.

After reading the concept, you can note what is being done and what is stalling in its implementation.

Item 2 d.

It is said about the formation of good-neighborly relations with neighboring states, the prevention of the emergence of new hotbeds of tension and confrontation in the territory adjacent to the Russian Federation.

But as we see in practice, in 2014 unrest begins in the south-east of Ukraine, and hostilities begin in the East, where the war is not going on without Russian help, including equipment and medicines and command personnel. Thus, relations with the neighboring state deteriorate, and an inter-ethnic problem arises. (I don’t note whether there was another option for resolving events or not, I just start from a discrepancy with the point of conception)

A complete interruption of relations with Turkey, and active anti-Turkish propaganda, the cessation of the work of certain Turkish firms (as a vivid example of the Swisshotel on Paveletskaya). Loss of one of the largest trading partners.

paragraph 2 e) It speaks of respect for independence and sovereignty. It was also called into question in March 2014, when our troops blocked Ukrainian military bases in Crimea, thus preventing the referendum from being disrupted.

Paragraph 32 x) refers to counteracting the radicalization of public sentiment, extremism and intolerance. In my opinion, today there is a certain flow of information from government services and bodies in order to somehow turn the people against the West, Ukraine and, lately, Turkey.

Paragraph 48 e) Build relations with Ukraine as a priority partner in the CIS.

In fact, a food embargo has been introduced and communication has been almost completely stopped.

ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN THE MODERN WORLD

Conflicts associated with the aggravation of interethnic relations have become an indispensable attribute of the modern world. They flare up on all continents of our planet: in both developed and developing countries, in the areas of distribution of any religious teachings, in areas with different levels of income and education.

Numerous hotbeds of ethnic conflicts - from global (Kurdish, Palestinian, Kosovo, Chechen) to local and point (domestic contradictions between people of different nationalities within the city, town, village) - give rise to instability, which is increasingly difficult to contain within state borders. Neighboring ethnic groups, and often distant centers of power, including such large-scale geopolitical players as the USA, Russia, Great Britain, India, and China are almost always involved in confrontations between ethnic groups to one degree or another.

concept conflict in Latin means "collision". Signs of conflict are manifested in the clash of forces, sides, interests. The object of the conflict can be either a fragment of material, socio-political or spiritual reality, or the territory, its subsoil, social status, distribution of power, language and cultural values. In the first case, the formation social conflict, in the second - territorial. An ethnic conflict taking place between ethnic groups - groups of people who have a common historical and cultural foundation and occupy a certain spatial area - is a territorial conflict.

The whole complex of related problems is studied geographic conflictology - a scientific direction that investigates the nature, essence, causes of conflicts, the patterns of their course and development based on interaction with spatial (geographical) factors. Geographical conflictology uses the knowledge of philosophy, history, sociology, jurisprudence, political science, psychology, ethnology, biology, economics, political geography and geopolitics, physical and social geography.

Any conflict is characterized by uneven development in time. Periods latent its (hidden) development is replaced by segments of open confrontation between the participants in the conflict; at this time it happens actualization, when the activity of the opposing sides sharply increases, the number of political actions increases many times over, and there is also a transition to armed actions.

According to a Russian researcher of conflicts V.Avksentieva, the transition of the latent period to the actualized period usually begins with the statement of one of the parties about dissatisfaction with their position and intention to change it. The announcement of dissatisfaction is the first phase of the actualized conflict. It is followed by the phase of refusal, that is, the denial of at least one of the parties to the conflict of the very existence of the problem, the phase of forcing the conflict, the phase of the meeting (recognition of its existence by both parties, the beginning of consultations and negotiations) and the phase of conflict resolution. The last phases can be recorded only in conflicts that are fading away, having reduced their destructive potential.

Like any other socio-political phenomenon, ethnic conflict develops according to certain laws and is initiated by specific factors among which are objective and subjective. The group of objective factors includes those factors that exist relatively independently of public consciousness. The clearest example of this kind is natural factor.

Everything that contributes to the development of the conflict is connected in a single complex. The active manifestation of one or two factors without the support of the others is not capable of creating any serious ethnic conflict.

An important and often decisive role in the processes of conflicts is played by ethno-confessional factor. The main component of any ethnic conflict is the crisis of ethnic identity (political scientists and conflictologists call it an identity crisis). It manifests itself in a change in the ethnic, confessional (religious) and political self-identification of people, in the strengthening of the influence of nationalist groups and associations, and in the growth of their political activity.

Many states of the world are interested in creating a single supranational nationwide identity, which, on the basis of a single language, common symbols and traditions, could consolidate all ethnic, confessional and social groups of the country. In single-ethnic (mono-ethnic) states, such as Japan, Norway or Portugal, this problem has already been practically solved. These countries already from the end of the XIX century. are at such a level of ethnic consolidation, which in the West received the name "nation-state" (nation-state), that is, they have an almost complete coincidence of ethnic and state (civil) self-identification.

The term "nation state" was first used at the end of the 18th century. in relation to France. The essence of this concept is that the entire population of the country is defined as a single nation that does not have ethnic differences within the framework of a single state. The slogan under which this process proceeds is: “For every nation, a state. To each state - a national essence. It should be noted, however, that this idea is far from universal implementation. As many researchers rightly point out, an ethnically homogeneous nation-state is an ideal representation, since in reality almost every state has more or less pronounced minorities, and in the modern ethnically mixed world, the task of building a textbook model of a nation-state can be called utopian.

The life situation shows that today ethnic groups are artificially divided into two groups. A smaller part of them is an elite club identified with the international community and all its institutions. Representatives of another, more numerous group of ethnic groups exist as ethnic minorities in multinational states and are limited in their ability to directly participate in the activities of the international community. The existence of several international organizations of ethnic minorities, like the Association of the Peoples of the North or the Organization of Unrepresented Nations and Peoples (it includes 52 members, including Abkhazia, Bashkortostan, Buryatia, Gagauzia, Kosovo, Iraqi Kurdistan, Taiwan) is perceived as weak consolation for the peoples not represented in the foreign policy arena.

Interethnic relations have the greatest complexity in multinational (polyethnic) states. In some - centralized some ethnic groups are so large that they are constantly at the center of social and political life, dictate their interests, put forward a standardized culture built on their own national-cultural foundation, and try to assimilate minorities. It is in such states that the greatest potential for conflicts develops, since the dominant group puts forward claims to the exclusive control of state institutions, which causes a response from national minorities.

This model of interethnic relations dominates in Iran, Indonesia, Myanmar and a number of other countries. In some of them, the desire to consolidate the entire population of the country into a single nation on the foundation of a dominant ethnic group casts doubt on the very existence of other ethnic groups (For example, in Turkey, the Kurds are officially called "mountain Turks").

At dispersed In a type of multinational state, the population consists of a small number of ethnic groups, each of which is too weak or small in number to dominate. As a result, the only option acceptable to all is the achievement of inter-ethnic harmony (albeit at times quite fragile and often violated). Such a system has been formed, for example, in many African countries where an extremely heterogeneous ethnic composition is a legacy of colonial borders (Nigeria, Tanzania, Guinea, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, etc.).

Discrimination against national minorities can take various forms: restriction or even prohibition of the national language and culture, economic oppression, resettlement from ethnic territory, reduction of quotas for representation in state management structures, etc. In almost all countries of the East, the share of representatives of different ethnic groups in the power system is far from corresponds to the proportion of this ethnic group among the entire population. As a rule, the numerically predominant ethnic groups (Persians in Iran, Punjabis in Pakistan, Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, Malays in Malaysia, Burmese in Myanmar, etc.) at all levels of power have a disproportionately high representation, and most other ethnic groups have a disproportionately low .

The main demands of most of the national movements involved in ethnic conflicts come down to three areas:

1) cultural revival (creation of broad cultural autonomy with the use of the native language in local governments and education);

2) economic independence (the right to dispose of natural resources and economic potential, localized within the ethnic territory);

3) political self-government (establishment of national self-government within the boundaries of an ethnic territory or part of it).

The range of requirements of these movements is determined by the degree of development and complexity of the structure of the ethnos, its internal social differentiation. The leaders of more “simple” ethnic communities that retain remnants of tribal relations usually come up with unequivocal demands for independence and/or the expulsion of all “foreigners” (for example, the leaders of the national movement in Assam). For larger and more developed ethnic groups, the range of demands put forward is much wider: they are dominated by demands for cultural and national-territorial autonomy, economic independence and political self-government, which is confirmed, for example, by the situation in Catalonia.

A number of ethnic groups demand the expansion of rights up to the formation of their own statehood. However, if in fact we are guided by the principle of complete self-determination (up to secession) for each ethnic group, then this implies a slightly optimistic prospect of the gradual disintegration of all multinational states of the world until such time as each ethnic group on the planet (and there are 3-4 thousand of them) has of his state. According to the American scientist S. Cohen, already in 25 - 30 years the number of states may increase one and a half times. As a result, there will be more than 300 sovereign states on the world map.

The difference between the confessional form of conflict formation and the ethnic one is that it is not ethnic self-consciousness that comes to the fore, but religious. It is not uncommon for opponents in a conflict to even belong to the same ethnic group. For example, adherents of Sikhism are ethnically Punjabis. They are in conflict with Hindu Punjabis (in India) and Muslim Punjabis (in Pakistan).

Religion has a significant impact on the entire culture of the ethnic group. Sometimes confessional differences play a decisive role in ethnogenesis. For example, Bosnians, Serbs and Croats living in Bosnia and Herzegovina speak the same language even before the ethnic cleansing of the first half of the 1990s. lived in stripes within a single area. It is possible that the Punjabi ethnic group, which still retains unity, will soon split along religious lines. At least now, Sikh Punjabis speak Punjabi, Hindu Punjabis speak Hindi, and Muslim Punjabis speak Urdu.

Palestine, Punjab, Kashmir, and Southern Philippines (Moro Muslim regions) are the classic centers of ethnic conflicts with a pronounced dominant role of the religious factor. The religious component of the conflict is mixed with the ethnic one in Cyprus (Turkish Cypriot Muslims against Greek Cypriot Christians), Sri Lanka (Tamil Hindus against Sinhalese Buddhists), Northern Ireland (Irish Catholics against Protestants from England and Scotland) , in the Indian state of Nagaland (Naga Christians against the main population of India - Hindus), etc. True, there are many hotbeds of conflicts where the warring parties are co-religionists: Catalonia, Transnistria, Balochistan, etc.

Closely interacts with ethno-confessional socio-economic factor. In its pure form, it is not capable of leading to a serious ethnic conflict, otherwise any area that differs economically would be a hotbed of interethnic confrontation.

The dependence of the intensity of the conflict on the level of economic development cannot be unambiguously determined. There are centers of ethnic conflicts in the world, both relatively economically developed (Catalonia, Quebec, Transnistria) and economically depressed (Chechnya, Kosovo, Kurdistan, Chiapas, Corsica).

The motivation for the dissatisfaction expressed by an ethnic group with its economic situation can be different. Ethnic groups living in relative prosperity and well-being often show dissatisfaction with the established practice of unjustifiably high deductions from their region to the national budget. According to the leaders of these national movements, under the guise of declarations on the harmonious and balanced economic development of the country, the region is being robbed. At the same time, the more noticeable economic disproportions between the most and least developed regions of the country, the larger amounts are withdrawn from economically prosperous regions, which causes a sharp rejection of the "freeloader regions" by them.

The ethnic groups inhabiting economically lagging areas express claims that the governing structures or international organizations do not take into account the deplorable situation in their economy, do not provide loans for its development, do not see the needs of the ordinary population. Raising the bar for economic demands, which at times develops into direct economic blackmail, according to the calculations of the leaders of the conflicting ethnic group, can lead to a more profitable redistribution of budgetary funds, international assistance, and a fairer tax policy. Sometimes the parties to the conflict rely on non-traditional economic sources, such as income from smuggling various types of goods, including weapons and drugs, hostage-taking for ransom, extortion from fellow tribesmen who have achieved success in business.

The socio-economic factor plays an important role in the formation and development of the Basque conflict knot, which is clearly expressed in the Indian Assam and the Indonesian Irian Jaya.

In the processes of origin and evolution of ethnic conflicts, natural factor. Basically, its action is manifested in the form of natural boundaries, which often serve as barriers between neighboring ethnic groups, boundaries of interethnic clashes and wars. Mountain ranges, large rivers, sea straits, difficult land areas (deserts, swamps, forests) can serve as such natural boundaries.

On the one hand, natural boundaries minimize contacts between warring ethnic groups, which reduces the conflict nature of relationships, on the other hand, they contribute to the psychological alienation of ethnic groups living on opposite sides of the barrier. Natural boundaries were previously one of the main factors that laid down the direction of ethnic boundaries, thereby determining the ethnic map of the region. The natural accessibility of the territory determines the level of economic development. If the state does not have the level of well-being of Switzerland, within which, by the way, there are a lot of various natural borders, then natural borders will lead to certain difficulties in contacts with some territories, which will negatively affect their economic development.

In comparison with other conflict-generating factors, natural boundaries are the least plastic and practically unchanged. "In reality, it is only possible to slightly improve the ties between opposite sides of the natural boundary (the construction of mountain and sea tunnels, the construction of bridges, the creation of sea and air routes, the transformation of deserts and tropical jungles, etc.). ), but it is hardly possible to completely eliminate differences in economic and geopolitical positions.

In the formation of large centers of ethnic conflicts, the role of geopolitical factor. The main form of its manifestation is geopolitical faults between extended civilizational-historical and military-political arrays. The concepts of geopolitical faults of various directions and configurations have recently become popular in the scientific community. The most famous model was the American S. Huntington. Fault zones are characterized by political instability, confrontation of the strategic interests of the largest geopolitical forces, conflicts often arise here.

A good example of this factor is the Balkan mega-conflict and its components - ethnic conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Western Macedonia, and Montenegro. The uniqueness of the Balkan knot lies in the fact that three geopolitical faults pass through it at once: between Orthodox-Slavic and Islamic civilizations (currently the most conflict-prone), between Orthodox-Slavic and European-Catholic civilizations, and between European-Catholic and Islamic civilizations. Each of the three sides of the conflict node experiences a strong intervention of external forces. The US, UK, Germany and other NATO countries support Croats and Muslim peoples (Kosovo Albanians and Bosniaks). Orthodox Serbs, on the other hand, found themselves in fact isolated, since their traditional foreign policy patrons (including Russia) less persistently and consistently defend their interests in the international arena.

In every major ethnic conflict, the opposing sides respect collective interests, the development of which is possible only if there is organizing and managing entity. Such a subject can be a national elite, a more or less large public organization, armed formations, a political party, etc.

Such political organizations closely involved in the conflict exist in many countries of the world. This, for example. PKK in Turkish Kurdistan, Tamil Eelam Liberation Tigers in the Tamil north of Sri Lanka, Kosovo Liberation Army, Palestine Liberation Organization, etc.

In developed parliamentary democracies, national movements act openly, freely participating in elections at various levels. However, some of the most odious and extremist organizations, in respect of which their involvement in bloody crimes has been proven, are prohibited. Nevertheless, even in these cases, national groups have the opportunity to express their interests openly.

Nationalist public organizations reflect the interests and moods of peripheral elites seeking to expand their influence. Such ethnocratic elites are formed mainly in three ways. Firstly, the state-administrative nomenclature that existed under the previous regime can be transformed into a new national elite (examples:

most of the CIS countries, countries of the former Yugoslavia). Secondly, such an elite can be represented by a new nationalist intelligentsia (teachers, writers, journalists, etc.), who previously did not have power, but at a certain moment felt the possibility of acquiring it (the Baltic countries, Georgia). Thirdly, an ethnocratic elite can be formed from a conglomerate of warlords and mafia leaders fighting for national independence, as happened in Chechnya, Somalia, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Eritrea, and Myanmar.

Sooner or later, a charismatic leader of the national movement appears among the ethnocratic elite - such as, for example, Y. Arafat for Palestine or A. Ocalan for Kurdistan, concentrating in his hands all the forces involved in fulfilling the intended goals. The leader represents the interests of his movement at various levels, leads negotiations with the opposing side, achieves international recognition.

The leader of the national movement is the potential head of the newly formed state. The role of such a person in the conflict is sometimes very great. In some countries, separatist movements are more likely to take place not under the flags of certain ethnic or religious groups, but under the battle standards of one or another big name.

It is wrong, however, to absolutize the role of the leader in the process of the territory's struggle for sovereignty. Without a wide circle of like-minded people, a clear hierarchical party structure, and the support of the national elite, the leader remains a lone rebel.

Among the factors contributing to the development of separatism, it is impossible not to mention historical factor. If an ethnic group putting forward demands for self-determination or autonomy previously had its own statehood or self-governing institutions, then it has much more moral grounds to revive them. Largely for this reason, the Baltic republics of the former USSR throughout their existence were the area of the most clearly defined nationalist processes. Similar problems may now arise before the Russian Federation, a number of subjects of which, for example, Tatarstan, Tyva, Dagestan (the latter in the form of fragmented feudal estates), previously had their own statehood.

None of the factors of separatism is of such decisive importance for the transition of the conflict from a latent to an actualized form, as social mobilization factor. Without the active participation of the population, any area of manifestation of disintegration tendencies is unlikely to have reason to become a hotbed of separatism. Under the mobilization of the population is understood the ability of certain political groups to take active steps to achieve their economic, political and national interests. The higher the political self-consciousness in a society, the higher its mobilization. The growth of mobilization also entails an increase in the political activity of the population, the indicators of which are an increase in the number of demonstrations, rallies, strikes, picketing and other political actions. As a result, high mobilization of the population can lead to destabilization of political life and even outbreaks of violence.

The level of mobilization in different social groups is usually not the same. Particularly irreconcilable positions regarding ways to resolve the conflict - extremism - dominate the marginalized strata of the population. It is in them that the lack of culture and education is felt; First of all, these social groups are most prone to partial or complete unemployment.

As the conflict develops, the field of action of public mobilization expands. At the moment of its emergence, the national intelligentsia becomes the most mobilized group, which, by influencing the general population through the mass media, increases the mobilization of the entire ethno-cultural community. Interestingly, in such situations, the humanitarian intelligentsia, oriented towards ethnic revival, plays a particularly strong destabilizing role, while the technical intelligentsia most often acts as a stabilizing factor.

Of great importance in the study of centers of instability is the concept of "threshold critical level of mobilization", the excess of which is followed by an open phase of the conflict. In general, this threshold is higher in the more developed regions of the planet (Europe, America) and decreases in the less developed ones (Africa, Asia). For example, ethnic and cultural discrimination against the Tamils in Sri Lanka led to a major armed conflict, and similar actions taken by the Estonian government against the Russian-speaking population did not give rise to a reaction even close in intensity.

The mobilization of a certain group of the population usually depends on the amount of resources under social control (mainly labor) and on political organization. The forms of group organization are diverse and include both political parties and other public structures: national-cultural movements, liberation fronts, etc. In any case, for each public group capable of increasing its mobilization, the following conditions must be met:

1) common group identification;

2) a common self-name, well known to both members and non-members of the group;

3) certain symbols of the group: emblems, slogans, songs, uniforms, national clothes, etc.;

4) the presence in the group of a certain circle of persons whose authority is recognized by all members of the group;

5) assigned to the group own controlled space;

6) the presence of common property (money, weapons and other means of struggle);

7) implementation by the top of the group of control over the activities of all members of the group.

All the hotbeds of ethnic conflicts existing in the world were formed as a result of the combination of the above factors.

Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine

Sevastopol National Technical University

INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS IN THE MODERN WORLD

Abstract on the discipline "Sociology"

Completed by: Gladkova Anna Pavlovna

student of group AYa-21-1

SEVASTOPOL

Introduction

Perhaps today it is difficult to name a more urgent problem than the one named in the title. For some reason, it is difficult for people of different nationalities to live on the same planet without trying to prove the superiority of their nationality over others. Fortunately, the sad history of German National Socialism is a thing of the past, but it cannot be said that interethnic strife has sunk into oblivion.

Taking any news report, you can stumble upon a message about another "protest" or "terror attack" (depending on the political orientation of this media). Periodically, more and more "hot spots" appear with all the ensuing processes - casualties both among the military and civilians, migration flows, refugees and, in general, crippled human destinies.

In preparing this work, we used, first of all, the materials of the journal "Sociological Research" as one of the most influential sociological publications today. We also used data from a number of other media, in particular Nezavisimaya Gazeta and a number of online publications. Where possible, different points of view on the most controversial issues were provided.

We have to admit that on many points there is no agreement even in the camp of sociologists; so, there is still a debate about what is meant by the word "nation". What can we say about the "simple" who do not fill their heads with tricky words, and who simply need a specific enemy to give vent to the discontent that has been accumulating for centuries. Such moments are captured by politicians, and they skillfully use this. With this approach, the problem seems to go beyond the sphere of competence of sociology proper; however, it is she who should be engaged in capturing such sentiments among certain groups of the population. The fact that such a function of it cannot be neglected is quite clearly shown by the flashing “hot spots” every now and then. Therefore, for the vast majority of even developed countries, it is vital from time to time to probe the soil in the "national question" and take appropriate measures. The problem is even more aggravated in the post-Soviet space, where ethno-political conflicts, which have found their expression in large and small wars on ethnic and territorial grounds in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Tajikistan, Moldova, Chechnya, Georgia, North Ossetia, Ingushetia, have led to numerous casualties among the civilian population . And today, the events taking place in Russia testify to disintegration destructive tendencies that threaten new conflicts. Therefore, the problems of studying their history, mechanisms for their prevention and settlement are more relevant than ever. Historical studies of ethno-national conflicts in various specific historical, ethno-cultural conditions are of great importance in order to identify their causes, consequences, specifics, types, participation of various national, ethnic groups in them, methods of prevention and settlement.

1. The concept of interethnic conflict

There are practically no ethnically homogeneous states in the modern world. Only 12 countries (9% of all countries of the world) can be conditionally classified as such. In 25 states (18.9%), the main ethnic community makes up 90% of the population, in another 25 countries this figure ranges from 75 to 89%. In 31 states (23.5%), the national majority is between 50 and 70%, and in 39 countries (29.5%) hardly half of the population is ethnically homogeneous. Thus, people of different nationalities one way or another have to coexist on the same territory, and peaceful life does not always develop.

1.1 Ethnos and nation

In the "grand theory" there are different concepts of the nature of ethnos and nationality. For L. N. Gumilyov, ethnic groups are a natural phenomenon, "biological units", "systems that arise as a result of a certain mutation." For V.A. Tishkov's ethnicity of nations is created by the state; it is a derivative of social systems, appearing more as a slogan and a means of mobilization. Abroad, constructivists are close to such a position, for whom nations are not given by nature; these are new formations-communities that have used culture, historical and past heritage as "raw materials". According to Yu.V. According to Bromley, each nation - a "socio-ethnic community" - has its own ethnic culture and differently expressed national identity, which is stimulated by the leading power and socio-cultural groups.

Nations, as a rule, arise on the basis of the most numerous ethnic group. In France it is the French, in Holland it is the Dutch, etc. These ethnic groups dominate in the national life, giving the nation a peculiar ethnic ethnic coloring and a specific way of manifestation. There are also nations that practically coincide with ethnic groups - Icelandic, Irish, Portuguese.

Most of the existing definitions of an ethnos boil down to the fact that it is a collection of people who have a common culture (often they also add a common psyche), usually speaking the same language and aware of both their commonality and difference from members of other similar communities. Studies of ethnologists show that ethnic groups are objective formations that do not depend on the will of the people themselves. People usually realize their ethnicity when the ethnos already exists, but they, as a rule, are not aware of the process of the birth of a new ethnos. Ethnic self-consciousness - an ethnonym - manifests itself only at the final stage of ethnogenesis. Each ethnic group acts as a socio-cultural mechanism for adapting a given local variant of humanity to certain, at first only natural-geographical, and then social conditions. Living in one or another natural niche, people influence it, change the conditions of existence in it, develop traditions of interaction with the natural environment, which gradually acquire an independent character to a certain extent. So the niche is transformed from only natural to natural-social. In addition, the longer people live in a given area, the more significant the social aspect of such a niche becomes.

It is obvious that the vectors of development of ethnic and national processes proper must coincide; otherwise, there may be detrimental consequences for the respective ethnic and ethno-social communities. Such a mismatch is fraught with the assimilation of ethnic groups, their division into several new ethnic groups or the formation of new ethnic groups.

The clash of interests of ethnic groups sooner or later leads to the emergence of ethnic conflicts. Ethnosociologists understand such conflicts as a form of civil, political or armed confrontation in which the parties or one of the parties mobilize, act or suffer on the basis of ethnic differences.

Ethnic conflicts in their pure form can not be. The conflict between ethnic groups does not occur because of ethnic and cultural differences, not because Arabs and Jews, Armenians and Azerbaijanis, Chechens and Russians are incompatible, but because conflicts reveal contradictions between communities of people consolidated on an ethnic basis. Hence the interpretation (A.G. Zdravosmyslov) of interethnic conflicts as conflicts, “which in one way or another include national-ethnic motivation.”

1.2. Causes of conflicts

In world conflictology there is no single conceptual approach to the causes of interethnic conflicts. The socio-structural changes of the contacting ethnic groups, the problems of their inequality in status, prestige, remuneration are analyzed. There are approaches that focus on the behavioral mechanisms associated with fears for the fate of the group, not only for the loss of cultural identity, but also for the use of property, resources and the resulting aggression.

Researchers based on collective action focus on the responsibility of elites fighting with the help of mobilization around the ideas put forward by them for power and resources. In more modernized societies, intellectuals with professional training became members of the elite, in traditional societies, birth, belonging to an ulus, etc., mattered. Obviously, the elites are primarily responsible for creating the "image of the enemy", ideas about the compatibility or incompatibility of the values of ethnic groups, the ideology of peace or enmity. In situations of tension, ideas are created about the features of peoples that impede communication - the “messianicity” of Russians, the “inherited militancy” of Chechens, as well as the hierarchy of peoples with whom one can or cannot “deal with”.

The concept of "clash of civilizations" by S. Huntington enjoys great influence in the West. it explains modern conflicts, in particular recent acts of international terrorism, by confessional differences. In Islamic, Confucian, Buddhist and Orthodox cultures, the ideas of Western civilization - liberalism, equality, legality, human rights, the market, democracy, separation of church and state, etc. - do not seem to find a response.

Also known is the theory of the ethnic border, understood as a subjectively perceived and experienced distance in the context of interethnic relations. (P.P. Kushner, M.M. Bakhtin). The ethnic boundary is defined by markers - cultural characteristics that are of paramount importance for a given ethnic group. Their meaning and set may change. Ethnosociological studies of the 80s-90s. showed that markers can be not only values formed on a cultural basis, but also political ideas that focus on ethnic solidarity. Consequently, the ethno-cultural delimiter (such as the language of the titular nationality, the knowledge or ignorance of which affects the mobility and even the career of people) is replaced by access to power. From here, a struggle for a majority in representative bodies of power and all the further aggravations of the situation that follow from this can begin.

1.3 Typology of conflicts

There are also various approaches to identifying individual types of conflicts. So, according to the classification of G. Lapidus, there are:

1. Conflicts taking place at the interstate level (conflict between Russia and Ukraine over the issue of Crimea).

2. Conflicts within the state:

2.1. Conflicts with the involvement of aboriginal minorities in them (for example, Lezgins in Azerbaijan and Dagestan);
2.2. Conflicts with the involvement of alien communities in them;
2.3. Conflicts involving forcibly displaced minorities (Crimean Tatars);
2.4. Conflicts arising from attempts to renegotiate relations between the former autonomous republics and governments of successor states (Abkhazia in Georgia, Tatarstan in Russia).

Conflicts related to acts of communal violence (Osh, Fergana) in Central Asia are brought by the researcher into a separate category. Here, according to G. Lapidus, the economic rather than the ethnic factor played a big role.

One of the most complete options for the typology of interethnic conflicts was proposed by J. Etinger:

1. Territorial conflicts, often closely related to the reunification of ethnic groups fragmented in the past. Their source is an internal, political, and often armed clash between the government in power and some national liberation movement or one or another irredentist and separatist group that enjoys the political and military support of a neighboring state. A classic example is the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh and partly in South Ossetia;
2. Conflicts generated by the desire of an ethnic minority to realize the right to self-determination in the form of creating an independent state entity. Such is the situation in Abkhazia, partly in Transnistria;
3. Conflicts related to the restoration of the territorial rights of the deported peoples. The dispute between the Ossetians and the Ingush over the ownership of the Prigorodny District is a clear evidence of this;
4. Conflicts based on the claims of one state or another to part of the territory of a neighboring state. For example, the desire of Estonia and Latvia to annex a number of regions of the Pskov region, which, as you know, were included in these two states when they declared their independence, and in the 40s passed to the RSFSR;
5. Conflicts, the sources of which are the consequences of arbitrary territorial changes carried out during the Soviet period. First of all, this is the problem of the Crimea and, potentially, a territorial settlement in Central Asia;
6. Conflicts as a result of clashes of economic interests, when the interests of the ruling political elites, who are dissatisfied with their share in the national federal "pie", are behind the national contradictions that come to the surface. It seems that it is these circumstances that determine the relationship between Grozny and Moscow, Kazan and Moscow;
7. Conflicts based on factors of a historical nature, due to the traditions of many years of national liberation struggle against the mother country. For example, the confrontation between the Confederation of the Peoples of the Caucasus and the Russian authorities:
8. Conflicts generated by the long-term stay of deported peoples in the territories of other republics. These are the problems of Meskhetian Turks in Uzbekistan, Chechens in Kazakhstan;
9. Conflicts in which linguistic disputes (what language should be the state language and what should be the status of other languages) often hide deep disagreements between different national communities, as happens, for example, in Moldova, Kazakhstan.

1.4. Socio-psychological interpretation of interethnic conflict

Interethnic conflicts, of course, do not arise from scratch. As a rule, their appearance requires a certain shift in the usual way of life, the destruction of the value system, which is accompanied by feelings of frustration, confusion and discomfort, doom, and even loss of the meaning of life. In such cases, the ethnic factor comes to the fore in the regulation of intergroup relations in society, as the more ancient one, which performed the function of group survival in the process of phylogenesis.

The action of this socio-psychological mechanism occurs as follows. When there is a threat to the existence of a group as an integral and independent subject of intergroup interaction, at the level of social perception of the situation, social identification occurs on the basis of origin, on the basis of blood; mechanisms of socio-psychological protection are included in the form of processes of intra-group cohesion, intra-group favoritism, strengthening the unity of "we" and out-group discrimination and isolation from "them", "strangers". These procedures lead to the distance and distortion of the images of external groups, which, with the escalation of the conflict, acquire features and traits well studied in social psychology.
This type of relationship historically precedes all other types and is most deeply connected with the prehistory of mankind, with those psychological patterns of the organization of social action that originated in the depths of anthropogenesis. These patterns develop and function through the opposition of "we-they" on the basis of belonging to a tribe, to an ethnic group with a tendency to ethnocentrism, underestimation and belittling of the qualities of "foreign" groups and overestimation, elevation of the characteristics of one's group along with dehumanization (excategorization) of "alien" groups in conflict.
The unification of a group on an ethnic basis occurs on the basis of:
- preferences of their fellow tribesmen to "alien", newcomers, non-indigenous and strengthening the feeling of national solidarity;
- protection of the territory of residence and the revival of a sense of territoriality for the titular nation, ethnic group;
- requirements for the redistribution of income;
- ignoring the legitimate needs of other groups of the population in the given territory, recognized as "strangers".
All these signs have one advantage for group mass action - the visibility and self-evidence of commonality (in language, culture, appearance, history, etc.) compared to "strangers". An indicator of the state of interethnic relations and, accordingly, their regulator is an ethnic stereotype as a kind of social stereotype. Functioning within the group and being included in the dynamics of intergroup relations, the stereotype performs a regulatory and integrative function for the subjects of social action in resolving social contradictions. It is these properties of a social stereotype, ethnic in particular, that make it an effective regulator of any social relations, when these relations are reduced to interethnic ones in the conditions of aggravation of contradictions.
At the same time, the regulation of intergroup relations with the help of an ethnic stereotype acquires, as it were, an independent existence and psychologically returns social relations to the historical past, when group egoism suppressed the sprouts of future universal human dependence in the simplest and most ancient way - by destroying, suppressing heterogeneity in behavior, values, thoughts.
This "return to the past" allows the ethnic stereotype at the same time to perform the function of psychological compensation as a result of dysfunctions of ideological, political, economic and other regulators of integration in intergroup interactions.
When the interests of two groups collide and both groups claim the same benefits and territory (as, for example, the Ingush and the North Ossetians), in the face of social confrontation and the devaluation of common goals and values, national-ethnic goals and ideals become the leading socio-psychological regulators of mass social action . Therefore, the process of polarization along ethnic lines inevitably begins to express itself in confrontation, in conflict, which, in turn, blocks the satisfaction of the basic socio-psychological needs of both groups.
At the same time, in the process of conflict escalation, the following socio-psychological patterns objectively and invariably begin to operate:
- a decrease in the volume of communication between the parties, an increase in the volume of disinformation, a tightening of the aggressiveness of terminology, an increase in the tendency to use the media as a weapon in the escalation of psychosis and confrontation among the general population;
- distorted perception of information about each other;
- the formation of an attitude of hostility and suspicion, the consolidation of the image of the "insidious enemy" and its dehumanization, i.e. exclusion from the human race, which psychologically justifies any atrocities and cruelty towards "non-humans" in achieving their goals;
- the formation of an orientation towards victory in the conflict by forceful methods due to the defeat or destruction of the other side.
Thus, the task of sociology is, first of all, to catch the moment when a compromise solution to the conflict situation is still possible, and to prevent its transition to a more acute stage.

2. Interethnic conflicts in the Western world

Ignoring the ethnic factor would be a big mistake in prosperous states, even in North America and Western Europe. Thus, as a result of the 1995 referendum among French Canadians, Canada almost split into two states, and consequently into two nations. Great Britain can serve as an example, where the process of institutionalization of the Scottish, Ulster and Welsh autonomies and their transformation into subnations is taking place. In Belgium, the actual emergence of two sub-nations based on the Walloon and Flemish ethnic groups is also observed. Even in prosperous France, everything is not as calm in ethno-national terms as it seems at first glance. It is not only about the relationship between the French, on the one hand, and the Corsicans, Bretons, Alsatians and Basques, on the other, but also about not so unsuccessful attempts to revive the Provencal language and identity, despite the centuries-old tradition of assimilation of the latter.

And in the USA, cultural anthropologists record how, literally before our very eyes, the once united American nation begins to divide into a number of regional ethno-cultural blocks - embryonic ethnic groups. This appears not only in a language that exhibits a division into several dialects, but also in a self-consciousness that acquires different features in different groups of Americans. Even the rewriting of history is recorded - in different ways in different regions of the United States, which is an indicator of the process of creating regional national myths. Scientists predict that the United States will eventually face the problem of resolving ethno-national division, as happened in Russia.

A peculiar situation is developing in Switzerland, where four ethnic groups coexist on an equal footing: German Swiss, Italian Swiss, French Swiss and Romansh. The last ethnos, being the weakest one, in modern conditions lends itself to assimilation by others, and it is difficult to predict what the reaction to this will be of its ethnically conscious part, especially the intelligentsia.

2.1. Ulster conflict

As you know, at the beginning of the century, 6 Irish counties, after lengthy clashes, became part of the United Kingdom, and 26 counties formed Ireland proper. The population of Ulster is clearly divided not only along ethnic lines (Irish - British), but also along religious lines (Catholics - Protestants). To this day, the Ulster issue remains open as the Catholic community suffers from government-created inequalities. Although housing, education, and other areas have improved in the last 20 years, inequalities in work remain. Catholics are more likely to be unemployed than Protestants.

Therefore, only in 1994 did armed clashes between the Irish Republican Army and paramilitary organizations stop.

under the name "British Army". More than 3,800 people became victims of the clashes; given that the population of the island is approximately 5 million and that of Northern Ireland is 1.6 million, this is a significant figure.

The fermentation of minds does not stop even today, and another factor is the civilian police, which still consists of 97% Protestants. An explosion that took place in 1996 near one of the military bases again increased distrust and suspicion among members of the two communities. And public opinion is not yet completely ready to put an end to the image of the enemy. The Catholic and Protestant neighborhoods are separated by brick "peace walls". In the Catholic quarters, on the walls of the houses you can see huge paintings that testify to violence by the British.

2.2. Cyprus conflict

Today, about 80 percent of Greeks and 20 percent of Turks live on the island of Cyprus. After the formation of the Republic of Cyprus, a mixed government was formed, but as a result of various interpretations of the provisions of the Constitution, neither side obeyed the instructions coming from the ministers of the opposing community. In 1963, outbreaks of violence on both sides became a reality. From 1964 to 1974 a UN contingent was stationed on the island to prevent conflict. However, in 1974, a government coup was attempted, as a result of which President Makarios was forced into exile. In response to the coup attempt, Turkey sent a 30,000-strong military corps to Cyprus. Hundreds of thousands of Greek Cypriots fled to the south of the island under the fierce attack of the Turkish army. The violence continued for several months. By 1975 the island was divided. As a result of the partition, one third of the island in the north is controlled by Turkish troops, and the southern part by Greeks. Under the supervision of the UN, a population exchange was carried out: the Turkish Cypriots were moved to the north, and the Greek Cypriots to the south. The Green Line separated the conflicting parties, and in 1983 the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was proclaimed; however, only Turkey recognized it. The Greek side demands the return of the territory, the Greek Cypriots who lived in the north hope to return to their homes and believe that the north is occupied by Turkish invaders. On the other hand, the contingent of Turkish troops in the north of Cyprus is constantly increasing, and neither one nor the other Cypriots give up the "image of the enemy." In fact, contacts between the north and south of the island have been reduced to nothing.

The final solution to the conflict is still far away, since neither side is ready to make concessions.

2.3. Conflicts in the Balkans

There are several cultural regions and types of civilization on the Balkan Peninsula. The following are highlighted: Byzantine-Orthodox in the east, Latin Catholic in the west, and Asian-Islamic in the central and southern regions. Interethnic relations here are so confused that it is difficult to expect a complete settlement of conflicts in the coming decades.

When creating the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which consisted of six republics, the main criterion for their formation was the ethnic composition of the population. This most important factor was subsequently used by the ideologists of national movements and contributed to the collapse of the federation. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Muslim Bosniaks made up 43.7% of the population, Serbs 31.4%, Croats 17.3%. 61.5% of Montenegrins lived in Montenegro, 77.9% were Croats in Croatia, 65.8% were Serbs in Serbia, these are with autonomous regions: Vojvodina, Kosovo and Metohija. Without them, in Serbia, Serbs accounted for 87.3%. In Slovenia, Slovenes make up 87.6%. Thus, representatives of ethnic groups of other titular nationalities, as well as a significant number of Hungarians, Turks, Italians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Gypsies and Romanians, also lived in each of the republics.

Another important factor is confessional, and the religiosity of the population is determined here by ethnic origin. Serbs, Montenegrins, Macedonians are Orthodox groups. However, there are also Catholics among the Serbs. Catholics are Croats and Slovenes. interesting

a confessional section in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Catholic Croats live, Orthodox Serbs and Muslim Slavs. There are also Protestants - these are national groups of Czechs, Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks. There are also Jewish communities in the country. A significant number of inhabitants (Albanians, Muslim Slavs) profess Islam.

The linguistic factor also played an important role. About 70% of the population of the former Yugoslavia spoke Serbo-Croatian or, as they say, Croatian-Serbian. These are primarily Serbs, Croats, Montenegrins, Muslims. However, it was not a single state language; there was no single state language in the country at all. The exception was the army, where office work was conducted in Serbo-Croatian

(based on Latin graphics), commands were also given in this language.

The country's constitution emphasized the equality of languages, and even during elections

bulletins were printed in 2-3-4-5 languages. There were Albanian schools, as well as Hungarian, Turkish, Romanian, Bulgarian, Slovak, Czech and even Ukrainian ones. Books and magazines were published. However, in recent decades the language has become the subject of political speculation.

The economic factor must also be taken into account. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and the autonomous province of Kosovo lagged behind Serbia in economic development. This led to differences in the income of various national groups and increased the contradictions between them. The economic crisis, years of unemployment, severe inflation, devaluation of the dinar intensified the centrifugal tendencies in the country, especially in the early 80s.

There are dozens more reasons for the collapse of the Yugoslav state, but one way or another, by the end of 1989, the one-party system disintegrated, and after the parliamentary elections in 1990-1991. hostilities began in Slovenia and Croatia in June 1991, and in April 1992 a civil war broke out in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was accompanied by ethnic cleansing, the creation of concentration camps, and robberies. To date, the "peacekeepers" have achieved an end to open fighting, but the situation in the Balkans today remains complex and explosive.

Another hotbed of tension arose in the province of Kosovo and Metohija - on the original Serbian lands, the cradle of Serbian history and culture, where, due to historical conditions, demographic, migration processes, the dominant population is Albanians (90 - 95%), who claim to separate from Serbia and create independent state. The situation for the Serbs is aggravated by the fact that the region borders on Albania and Albanian-populated regions of Macedonia. In the same Macedonia, there is a problem of relations with Greece, which protests against the name of the republic, considering it illegal to assign a name to the state that coincides with the name of one of the regions of Greece. Bulgaria has claims to Macedonia because of the status of the Macedonian language, considering it as a dialect of Bulgarian.

Serb-Croatian relations are aggravated. This is due to the position of the Serbs in

Croatia. The Serbs, forced to stay in Croatia, change their nationality, surnames, accept Catholicism. Dismissal from work based on ethnicity is becoming commonplace, and there is increasing talk of "Great Serbian nationalism" in the Balkans. According to various sources, from 250 to 350 thousand people were forced to leave Kosovo. In 2000 alone, about a thousand people were killed there, hundreds were wounded and missing.

3. Interethnic conflicts in the countries of the "third world"

3.1. Interethnic conflicts in Africa

With a population of 120 million, Nigeria is home to over 200 ethnic groups, each with its own language. English remains the official language in the country. After the civil war 1967-1970. national strife remained one of the most dangerous diseases in Nigeria, as, indeed, in all of Africa. It blew up many states of the continent from within. In Nigeria, even today there are ethnic clashes between the Yoruba people from the southern part of the country, Christians, Hauss, Muslims from the north. Given the economic and political backwardness of the state (the entire history of Nigeria after gaining political independence in 1960 is an alternation of military coups and civilian rule), the consequences of constantly flaring conflicts can be unpredictable. So, in just 3 days (October 15-18, 2000) in the economic capital of Nigeria, Lagos, more than a hundred people died during interethnic clashes. About 20 thousand residents of the city left their homes in search of shelter.

Unfortunately, racial conflicts between representatives of "white" (Arab) and "black" Africa are also a harsh reality. In the same 2000, a wave of pogroms broke out in Libya, resulting in hundreds of victims. About 15 thousand black Africans left their country, which is quite prosperous by African standards. Another fact is that the initiative of the Cairo government to create a colony of Egyptian peasants in Somalia was met with hostility by the Somalis and was accompanied by anti-Egyptian speeches, although such settlements would greatly boost the Somali economy.

3.2. Moluccan conflict

In modern Indonesia, more than 350 different ethnic groups live together, the relationship of which developed over the centuries-old history of this largest archipelago in the world, which is a kind of geographical, cultural and historical community. The economic crisis that broke out in Indonesia in 1997 and the subsequent collapse of the Suharto regime in May 1998 led to a sharp weakening of the central government in this multi-island country, parts of which were traditionally prone to separatist sentiments, and interethnic contradictions smoldered, as a rule, implicitly, openly expressing itself usually only in periodic Chinese pogroms. Meanwhile, the democratization of Indonesian society that began in May 1998 led to an increase in the freedom of expression of various ethnic groups, which, coupled with the weakening of the central government and a sharp drop in the influence of the army and its ability to influence events on the ground, led to an explosion of inter-ethnic contradictions in various parts of Indonesia. The most bloody conflict in the recent history of interethnic relations in modern Indonesia began in mid-January 1999 - a year ago - in the administrative center of the province of Molucca (Moluccas), the city of Ambon. Already in the first two months in various parts of the province there were hundreds of dead and wounded, tens of thousands of refugees and huge material losses. And all this in the province, which was considered almost exemplary in Indonesia in terms of the relationship between various groups of the population. At the same time, the specificity of this conflict is that, having begun mainly as an interethnic one, exacerbated by religious differences, the Ambon conflict gradually turned into an interreligious one, between local Muslims and Christians, and threatens to blow up the entire system of interfaith relations in Indonesia as a whole. It is in the Moluccas that the number of Christians and Muslims is approximately the same: in the whole province, Muslims are about 50% (these are the Sunnis of the Shafi school) and about 43% of Christians (37% Protestants and 6% Catholics), while on Ambon this ratio is 47% and 43%, respectively. %, which does not allow either side to quickly take up. Thus, the armed confrontation threatens to drag on.

3.3. Conflict in Sri Lanka

Today, the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka covers an area of 65.7 thousand square kilometers, has over 18 million people, mainly Sinhalese (74%) and Tamils (18%). Among believers, two-thirds are Buddhists, about a third are Hindus, although there are other faiths. Ethnic contradictions appeared on the island in the first decades of independence, and every year they intensified. The fact is that the Sinhalese people come from North India and mainly profess Buddhism; the Tamils came from South India, and the religion that prevails among them is Hinduism. There is no information about which ethnic groups first settled the island. According to the constitution of 1948, a parliamentary state was created. It had a bicameral parliament, consisting of the Senate and the House of Representatives. According to the constitution, the Sinhalese language was proclaimed the main state language. This sharply aggravated relations between the Sinhalese and Tamil sides, and government policy was by no means conducive to appeasing the Tamils. In the 1977 elections, the Sinhalese won 140 out of 168 seats in parliament, and Tamil became an official language along with English, while Sinhalese remained the state language. No other significant concessions were made by the government regarding the Tamils. Moreover, the president extended for another 6 years the term of the parliament, which remained without a significant representation of the Tamils in it.

In July 1983, anti-Tamil riots took place in the capital Colombo and other cities. The Tamils responded by killing 13 Sinhalese soldiers. This led to more violence: 2,000 Tamils were killed and 100,000 were forced to flee their homes. A full-scale ethnic conflict began, which continues today. Tamils are now receiving great financial support from compatriots who have emigrated from the country and have the status of political refugees in various countries of the world. The members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam are heavily armed. Their number is from 3 to 5 thousand people. Attempts by the Sri Lankan leadership to destroy the group with fire and sword did not lead to anything. Collisions still occur from time to time; back in 2000, in just 2 days of fighting for the city of Jaffna, about 50 people died.

4. Interethnic conflicts in the post-Soviet space.

Conflicts have become a reality in connection with the sharp aggravation of international relations in the former USSR since the second half of the 80s. Nationalist manifestations in a number of republics alerted the center, but no effective measures were taken to localize them. The first unrest on ethno-political grounds took place in the spring of 1986 in Yakutia, and in December of the same year - in Alma-Ata. This was followed by demonstrations of the Crimean Tatars in the cities of Uzbekistan (Tashkent, Bekabad, Yangiyul, Fergana, Namangan, etc.), in Moscow on Red Square. An escalation of ethnic conflicts began, leading to bloodshed (Sumgayit, Fergana, Osh). The zone of conflict actions has expanded. In 1989, several hotbeds of conflicts arose in Central Asia and Transcaucasia. Later, their fire covered Transnistria, Crimea, the Volga region, and the North Caucasus.

Since the late 1980s, there have been 6 regional wars (that is, armed clashes involving regular troops and the use of heavy weapons), about 20 short-term armed clashes, accompanied by civilian casualties, and more than 100 unarmed conflicts that have signs of interstate, interethnic , interfaith or inter-clan confrontation. At least 10 million people lived in areas directly affected by conflicts alone. The death toll has not been precisely established. (See Table 1)

Table 1. Approximate estimate of the number of deaths in conflicts in 1980-1996 (thousand people)






Transnistrian


Ossetian-Ingush
Chechen

There are three main types of only armed conflicts typical of the post-Soviet space:

a) conflicts caused by the desire of national minorities to realize

their right to self-determination;

b) conflicts caused by the division of the former union inheritance;

d) conflicts in the form of a civil war.

Development of the situation in interethnic relations of the former USSR

was predicted in the works of British and American scientists. Most of the forecasts, as time has shown, quite accurately reflected the prospects for the development of Soviet society. Various possible development options were predicted if the state was not destroyed. Experts, analyzing Anglo-American historiography on this issue, noted that the development of the ethnic situation was predicted in the form of four possible scenarios: "Lebanization" (an ethnic war similar to the Lebanese one); "Balkanization" (similar to the Serbo-Croatian version): "Ottomanization" (collapse like the Ottoman Empire); peaceful development of events with the possible transformation of the Soviet Union into a confederation or organization of states, similar to the EEC or the British Commonwealth.

According to the intelligence service of the US Department of Defense, the possibility of 12 armed conflicts in the territory of the former USSR is predicted in the future. According to calculations, 523 thousand people may die in these conflicts as a result of hostilities, 4.24 million people from diseases, 88 million people may suffer from hunger, and the number of refugees may reach 21.67 million people. (4) So far, this prediction has been confirmed.

In general, those inter-ethnic clashes that exist today are quite disappointing. Different researchers give different data on losses, and even the same conflict can be interpreted in different ways. This paper provides a typology of conflicts in the post-Soviet space, given by A. Amelin (Table 2)

Table 2.

Typology of interethnic clashes in the post-Soviet space.

Place and date of the conflicts	Type of conflict	Death toll
Alma-Ata (Kazakhstan), 1986	nationalistic speeches of the Kazakh youth
Sumgayit (Azerbaijan), February 1988	interethnic conflict (beating of Armenians by Azerbaijanis)
NKAO (Azerbaijan), 1988-1991	political conflict (struggle for sovereignty) (Armenian-Azerbaijanis)
Ferghana Valley (Uzbekistan) Kuvasay, Komsomolsk, Tashla, Fergana, May-June 1989	interethnic conflict (beating of Meskhetian Turks by Uzbeks)
New Uzen (Kazakhstan), June 1989	interethnic conflict (between Kazakhs and representatives of Caucasian nationalities: Azerbaijanis, Lezgins)
Abkhazia (Georgia), July 1989	political conflict that turned into an interethnic one (between Abkhazians and Georgians)
Osh city (Kyrgyzstan), June-July 1990	interethnic conflict (between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks)
Dubossary (Moldova) November 1990	political conflict
South Ossetia (Georgia) 1989-1991	political conflict (struggle for sovereignty), turned into inter-ethnic (between Georgians and Ossetians)	at least 50 people
Dushanbe, February 1990	political conflict (struggle of clans for power)
Ossetian-Ingush (Northern Caucasus), October-November 1992	territorial, interethnic (Ossetian-Ingush)
Transnistria (Moldova) June-July 1992	territorial, political, ethnic conflict
Republic of Tajikistan 1992	civil war (intranational conflict)	more than 300 thousand people
Chechen Republic December 1994 - September 1996	political, ethnic conflict. Intrastate (civil war)	more than 60 thousand people

The above typology is conditional. One type of conflict can combine the features of another or intertwine with others. The definition of "ethnopolitics" implies an ethnic group that has certain political goals. V. A. Tishkov writes that a different understanding of the phenomenon of ethnicity allows us to interpret ethnic conflicts in different ways. Due to the multi-ethnic composition of the population of the former USSR and the current new states, any internal conflict acquires an ethnic coloring. Therefore, the line between social, political and ethnic conflicts is difficult to define. For example, the national movements advocating independence in the Baltic States were interpreted both in the USSR and abroad as one of the types of ethnic conflicts; but here there was more of a political factor, that is, the desire of one ethnic group to gain statehood. The ethnic factor was also present in the struggle of national movements for sovereignty, independence of autonomies in Russia (Tatarstan, Chechnya).

Thus, the ethnic factor usually acts as a line of confrontation, when the existing inequality in certain areas: social, political, cultural, runs along ethnic boundaries.

Within the scope of this work, it is impossible to consider in more detail all the listed conflicts, so the review will be limited to the situations in Russia, Ukraine and the Baltic states.

4.1. Position in Russia

In terms of the number of secret and overt clashes, Russia, of course, holds the palm of the sad championship, and primarily due to the extremely multinational composition of the population. Today, the following conflicts are typical for her:

- "status" conflicts between the Russian republics and the federal government, caused by the desire of the republics to achieve more rights or even become independent states;

Territorial conflicts between subjects of the federation;

Internal (occurring within the subjects of the federation) ethno-political conflicts associated with real contradictions between the interests of various ethnic groups. Basically, these are contradictions between the called titular nations and the Russian (Russian-speaking), as well as non-"titular" population in the republics

A number of foreign and domestic researchers believe that inter-ethnic conflicts in Russia often occur between the two main types of civilizations that characterize the Eurasian essence of the country - basically Western Christian and southern Islamic. Another classification of Russian “hot spots” is based on the severity of the conflict:

Zones of acute crisis (military conflicts or balancing on their

verge) - North Ossetia - Ingushetia;

Potentially crisis situations (Krasnodar Territory). Here, the main factor of interethnic conflict potential is migration processes, as a result of which the situation is aggravated;

Zones of strong regional separatism (Tatarstan, Bashkortostan);

Zones of medium regional separatism (Republic of Komi);

Zones of sluggish current separatism (Siberia, the Far East, a number of republics of the Volga region, Karelia, etc.).

Nevertheless, regardless of which group the researchers classify this or that conflict situation, it has very real and sad consequences. In 2000, V. Putin stated in a message from the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly: “For several years now, the country's population has been decreasing by an average of 750 thousand people annually. And if you believe the forecasts, and the forecasts are based on the real work of people who understand this, - in 15 years, there could be 22 million fewer Russians. If the current trend continues, the survival of the nation will be in jeopardy."

Of course, such a high concentration of “hot spots” on the territory of Russia is primarily due to the extremely multinational composition of the population, and therefore much depends on the general line of the government, since new and new centers of discontent will open all the time.

Interethnic tension in a number of regions will continue due to the fact that the issues of the federal structure and equalization of the rights of the subjects of the federation have not yet been resolved. Considering that Russia was formed both on a territorial and ethno-national basis, the rejection of the ethnoterritorial principle of Russian federalism in favor of extraterritorial cultural and national contradictions can lead to conflicts.

Along with the ethnic factor, the economic factor is very important. An example of this is the critical situation in the Russian economy. Here, the essence of social conflicts, on the one hand, is the struggle between those strata of society whose interests express the progressive needs of the development of productive forces, and, on the other hand, various conservative, partly corrupt elements. The main achievements of perestroika - democratization, glasnost, the expansion of republics and regions, and others - gave people the opportunity to openly express their own and not only their thoughts at rallies, demonstrations, and in the mass media. However, most people were not psychologically and morally prepared for their new social position. And all this led to conflicts in the sphere of consciousness. As a result, "freedom", being used by people with low levels of political and general culture to create unfreedom for other social, ethnic, religious, linguistic groups, turned out to be a prerequisite for acute conflicts, often accompanied by terror, pogroms, arson, and the expulsion of objectionable citizens of a "foreign" nationality. .

One form of conflict often includes another and undergoes transformation, ethnic or political camouflage. Thus, the political struggle "for national self-determination" of the peoples of the North, which is being waged by the authorities of autonomies in Russia, is nothing but ethnic camouflage. After all, they defend the interests of not the aboriginal population, but the elite of business executives in the face of the Center. An example of political camouflage is, for example, the events in Tajikistan, where the rivalry between Tajik sub-ethnic groups and the conflict between groups of the peoples of Gorno-Badakhshan and the dominant Tajiks are hidden under the external rhetoric of "Islamic democratic" opposition against conservatives and partocrats. Thus, many clashes take on ethnic coloring due to the multinational composition of the population (that is, the “image of the enemy” is easily created) than are ethnic in essence.

4.2. Russians in the Baltics.

From 40 to 50% of the population of Estonia and Latvia are non-Baltic ethnic groups, mostly Russian and close to it. In recent years, the dislike of the Balts towards these latter has become proverbial, and although it does not reach the point of open confrontation, the situation remains very complicated. To date, Latvia and Estonia are the only ones among the newly independent states that have not given their citizenship to former citizens of the USSR living on their territory. At the same time, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) states: “Everyone has the right to a nationality. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality or the right to change it.” By the time of independence, 30% of the population of Estonia (primarily Russians, most of whom were born in this republic) were denied citizenship. Russians, as foreigners, received special yellow passports. In addition, bans on professional activities apply to them: for example, 700 thousand Russians living in Latvia cannot engage in 23 types of professions. The political leadership of the country turns a blind eye even to the fact that thanks to this, such giants of the Baltic industry as the Riga Radio Plant or the Ingalinsk Nuclear Power Plant are deprived of the required number of qualified personnel. In fact, Russians are gradually being squeezed out of most spheres of public life.

The political leadership of Latvia and Estonia is trying to artificially create mono-ethnic states and thus move away from the “great neighbor”, and the reasons for striving for a break are primarily political; the differentiation of the population along ethnic lines in this case is more of an auxiliary role. It must be admitted that the results of such a line in ethnopolitics are obvious - admission to the Council of Europe was facilitated for the Baltic states, all conditions were provided for the speedy integration into European structures. Obviously, it is not Latvia or Estonia that matters to the CE, but the fact that Russia is being denied access to five first-class Baltic ports. But politics is politics, and human rights continue to be violated. However, not only the Baltic states are so sensitive to the presence of a Russian-speaking population on their territory. By itself, the Russian language has somehow become synonymous with all kinds of oppression and oppression of the indigenous peoples on the territory of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Armenia, etc.

4.3. Situation in Ukraine and Crimea

The composition of the population of Ukraine is perhaps the most diverse in the world - more than 127 nationalities. According to the 1989 census 37.4 million Ukrainians, 11.4 million Russians, about 500 thousand Jews, Belarusians, Moldavians, Bulgarians, Poles, Hungarians, Romanians, Greeks lived in the Ukrainian SSR. Several Enets, Itilmens, Yukaghirs were found; 4,000 people simply indicated “insha nationality” in the column, and 177 people did not answer this question. In the context of the socio-economic and spiritual crisis, society as a whole is experiencing disintegration, distrust of many social institutions that are already ineffective. Accordingly, tension also arises in the ethno-political situation, and for Ukrainians this is, of course, a matter of relations with the “great western neighbor”. At present, interethnic conflicts have not acquired a mass character and not a single serious political organization puts forward slogans that provoke national intolerance, nevertheless, interethnic relations have become much more complicated.

Tutoring

Kondopoga, Republic of Karelia.

Sagra, Sverdlovsk region.

Demyanovo, Kirov region.

Nevinnomyssk, Stavropol Territory

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